Setting the Stage[1]
Abraham Lincoln
Upon debating with Douglas at Charleston, Illinois, on September 18, 1858 – “I will say, then, that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races – that I am not, nor ever have been, in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people, and I will say in addition to this that there is a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will forever for bid the two races living together on terms of social and political equality, and in as much as they cannot so live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and inferior, and I, as much as any other man, am in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race. ”[2]
Repeating verbatim the foregoing statement of September 18, 1859, in a speech at Columbus, Ohio, September 16, 1859. [3]
Speech at Springfield, Illinois, June 26, 1857 – “A separation of the races is the only perfect preventive of amalgamation; but as an immediate separation is impossible the next best thing is to keep them apart where they are not already together. . . . [4]
“Such separation, if ever effected at all, must be effected by colonization; . . . ”
First Annual Message to Congress, December 3, 1861 – “. . . that the emancipated slaves (including free blacks who consented to go) should be colonized. ” (See p. 54, vol. VI, of A Compilation of the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. )
Emancipation Irrevocable, Annual Message to Congress, December 6, 1968 – “If the people should, by whatever mode or means, make it an executive duty to re-enslave such persons [blacks], another, and not I, must be their instrument to perform it. ”[5]
Thomas Jefferson
In his autobiography written in 1820 – “Nothing is more certainly written in the book of fate, than that these people are to be free; nor is it less certain that the two races, equally free, cannot live in the same government.” (The first half of that sentence is inserted on the wall of the Jefferson Memorial in Washington, but the last half of the sentence is omitted – with or without reason.) Mr. Jefferson then added: “Nature, habit, opinion have drawn indelible lines of distinction between them . . . ” (See p. 49, vol. I, Jefferson’s Complete Works, 1853.)
Democratic Platform of 1868
On the subject of suffrage: “And we do declare and resolve that ever since the people of the United States threw off all subjection to the British Crown the privilege and trust of suffrage have belonged to the several States, and have been granted, regulated, and controlled exclusively by the political power of each state respectively, and that any attempt by Congress, or any pretext whatever, to deprive any state of this right, or interfere with its exercise, is a flagrant usurpation of power which can find no warrant in the Constitution, and if sanctioned by the people, will subvert our form of government, and can only end in a single, centralized, and consolidated government, in which the separate existence of the states will be entirely absorbed, and an unqualified despotism be established in place of a Federal Union of co-equal states. ”
Republican Platform of 1868
Party Plank – “2. The guaranty of Congress of equal suffrage to all loyal men at the South was demanded by every consideration of public safety, of gratitude, and of justice, and must be maintained, while the question of suffrage in all the loyal states properly belongs to the people of those states. ”
The Fifteenth Amendment
In February, 1869, following the election in 1868, the Senate passed Joint Resolution No. 8 on February 17. That resolution as originally passed read as follows: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude, . . . ”
In the House John A. Logan moved to strike out the phrase, “and hold office. ” His motion failed.
On the 20th of February, the House passed the the Resolution as it had passed the Senate, reading as follows: “The right of citizens of the United States to vote and hold office . . . ”
The Conference Committee of the two houses struck out the phrase, “and hold office” – notwithstanding the fact that the resolution had passed both houses containing the phrase, “and hold office.” The Conference Committee struck out that phrase, contrary to all the rules and precedents in Congress. Sen. Edmunds would not sign the conference report on account of that fact, and Pomeroy of Kansas made a speech in the Senate calling attention to this breach of all the rules and precedents, etc. (See Congressional Globe, February 25, 26, 27, 1869.)
Warren Harding
In the campaign, October 10, 1920 – “. . . But I wouldn’t be fit to be president of the United States if I didn’t tell you the same things here in the South that I tell in the North. I believe in race equality before the law. You can’t give one right to a white man and deny it to a black man. But I want you to know that I do not mean that white people and black shall be forced to associate together in accepting their equal rights at the hands of the nation.”
Calvin Coolidge
During 1927, the NAACP several times directed the attention of President Coolidge to atrocities of lynching and the failure of the states to prosecute those responsible for them. In his message of Congress, he responded accordingly regarding African Americans:
. . . They have especially been made the target of the foul crime of lynching. For several years these acts of unlawful violence had been diminishing. Every principle of order and law and liberty is opposed to this crime. The Congress should enact any legislation it can under the Constitution to provide for its elimination.[6]
Franklin D. Roosevelt
“Sold Warm Springs property by deeds which excluded Negroes perpetually from the ownership or use of such land.” (Washington Times-Herald, June 30, 1947, 8th ed.)
The following are statements on civil rights by Presidents Franklin D. Roosevelt, Harry S. Truman, and Dwight D. Eisenhower.
Franklin D. Roosevelt
1932
Earl W. Wilkins, Atlanta Daily World, September 18 – Q. “Your ‘forgotten man’ has become a famous symbol, Governor Roosevelt. Is the Negro included in the plan you have to aid the plight of that mass of people?”
Roosevelt: “Absolutely and impartially,” he stated with vigor. His voice carried plainly to the circle of white people surrounding us. [7]
1933
President’s Statement on the Seventieth Anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, September 22—“I hereby congratulate the Negroes of the United States upon the seventieth anniversary of their emancipation. Their progress during these seventy years has been remarkable. They have contributed greatly to the economic development of the Nation and I am sure that as prosperity returns they will share proportionately in the greater security, increased comfort, and happiness resulting therefrom. ”[8]
Address to the Annual Conference of Federal Council of Churches of Christ over a nationwide hookup, December 5 – “This new generation, for example, is not content with preaching against that vile form of collective murder, lynch law, which has broken out in our midst anew. We know that it is murder, and a deliberate and definite disobedience of the commandment, ‘Though shalt not kill. ’ We do not excuse those in high places or in low who condone lynch law. ”[9]
1934
Annual Message to the Congress, January 3 – “. . . crimes of organized banditry, cold-blooded shooting, lynching and kidnapping have threatened our security.
These violations of ethics and these violations of law call on the strong arm of Government for their immediate suppression; they call also on the country for an aroused public opinion. ”[10]
Press Conference, No. 125, May 25 – Q. “What is your attitude on the Costigan-Wagner bill”
THE PRESIDENT: “It is a terribly difficult subject. I have been talking about the theory of it with Costigan and Bob (Wagner) and various other people for quite a long while. I don’t think I had better give you an attitude because I frankly haven’t got sufficient clarity in my own mind as to the constitutionality of it. I think there is a question. I am absolutely for the objective but am not clear in my own mind as to whether that is absolutely the right way to attain the objective. However, I told them to go ahead and try to get a vote on it. It would be a useful thing to try to get a vote on it in the Senate. ”[11]
Press Conference, No. 154, October 31 – Q. “In view of the recent developments and the interest being shown, are you going to recommend that the Costigan-Wagner Bill be passed?”
THE PRESIDENT: “You will have to give me about 24 hours because I will have to check up and see what I did last year. I have forgotten. ”
Q. “You endorsed it. You spoke several times, gave out interviews here after the Rolph thing in California>[12]
1935
Press Conference, April 24 – Q. Care to Comment on the anti-lynching bill?
THE PRESIDENT: “No. ”[13]
Letter on Negro Progress, December 26—“My Dear Mr. Allen:[14]
“Few events in our history are of greater significance than the freeing of the slaves. As we go back to the date when the Emancipation Proclamation was issued by the great Lincoln and come through the years, decade by decade, we are profoundly impressed by the steady progress which the Negro race has made since January 1, 1863.
“It is truly remarkable, the things which the Negro people have accomplished within living memory—their progress in agriculture and industry, their achievements in the field of education, their contributions to the arts and sciences and, in general, to good citizenship.
“It is my hope and belief that the Negro, inspired by the achievements of the race to date, will go forward to even greater things in the years to come. All of us should keep in mind the words of the immortal Lincoln: “In giving freedom to the slave we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give and what we preserve. ”[15]
1936
President’s Greeting on the seventy-fourth Anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, September 16—“My dear Bishop Wright:[16]
“I appreciate the opportunity of extending greetings to all those who are planning to participate in the celebration of the Seventy-fourth Anniversary of the issuance of the Preliminary Proclamation of Emancipation by President Lincoln.
“It is an occasion for recalling the great progress which Negroes have made as citizens of our Republic. It also is an occasion for remembering that in the truest sense freedom cannot be bestowed. It must be achieved; and that there must be constant vigilance if it is to be maintained. The record which our Negro citizens have made in their own personal and racial development and their contribution to the material advancement of our country and to the promotion of its ideals are well known.
“I heartily congratulate them on their record, and hope that in the future, as in the past, they will continue to show intelligence, industry, and fortitude in striving for the best our Democracy offers. ”[17]
Address at the Dedication of the New Chemistry Building, Howard University, Washington, D. C. October 26 – “. . . I have a special interest in Howard University, because the government of the United States has long had a special relationship to this institution. . . .
“The American Negro’s response to this opportunity in the field of higher learning has been prompt and eager as in other fields. . . .
“And so the federal government has provided three new structures to it at this time, and there are more to come. These structures, as part of our building program, represent the happy conjunction of two important federal government programs to meet the difficulties of the depression. They are a part of our nationwide projects to reduce unemployment by building useful public works. They are also a part of our nationwide program to ensure the normal maintenance and necessary expansion of education facilities for you even in a time of depression.
“Our purpose was not only to provide work in all sections for all parts of the population, but to enable them all to share in the benefits to be obtained from these works so long as bricks and mortar shall endure. As far as it was humanly possible, the government has followed the policy that among American citizens there should be no forgotten men and no forgotten races. It is a wise and truly American policy. We shall continue faithfully to observe it.
“Howard University has shared as of right in our public works program. These government-financed improvements in the facilities of this great center of Negro education should enable it to continue to provide for its students cultural opportunities comparable to those offered by other first-class institutions of higher learning in the country.
“At its last commencement Howard sent forth 245 graduates to join nearly 10,000 alumni in all parts of the world. Here is a record of which the Negro race may well be proud. It is a record of which America is proud. It is further fulfillment of our dream of providing better and better educational facilities for all our people. ”[18]
1938
President’ Greeting to the NAACP, June 25—“Dear Mr. White: [19]
“I am happy to extend to the Twenty-ninth Annual Conference of the National Conference of the National Association of Colored People cordial greetings and best wishes for the success of its efforts in advancing the interests of the Negro Race and bringing about that cooperation and understanding between the races so essential to the maintenance of a vital democracy.
“I have watched with interest the constructive efforts of your organization, not only in behalf of the Negro people in our nation, but also in behalf of the democratic ideals and principles so clear to our entire nation. For it is evident that no democracy can long survive which does not accept as fundamental to its very existence the recognition of the rights of its minorities. ”[20]
1939
President’s Greeting to the NAACP, June 13—“Dear Mr. White:
“The opportunities of a democratic people to participate in national progress are legion. Their responsibilities for sharing in the achievement of that progress are equally great. We delight in recognizing the contributions which members of the Negro race have made to American life and the part which they have had in the progress of the nation.
“My sincerest wish for all of you is that your opportunities may be increasingly shared and your responsibilities continuously accepted in helping the Negro race to hold fast to the advancements already made and in moving forward to higher planes of accomplishment. As an integral group in our American democracy we look to you to uphold its ideals, to help to carry its burdens and to partake of its blessings.
“In extending cordial greetings to the Thirtieth Annual Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, may I express the hope that the Negro race will find steadily expanding fields in which to serve with industry, loyalty and distinction. ”[21]
1940
Letter to Elder Solomon Lightfoot Michaux[22] on the Anniversary Celebration of the Thirteenth Amendment, October 6—“My Dear Elder Michaux:
“I regret exceedingly that circumstances prevented my acceptance of your cordial invitation to speak in connection with the celebration you are arranging to commemorate the seventy-fifth anniversary of the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment.
“It is most fitting that this celebration is to be held under the auspices of the National Memorial to the Progress of the Colored Race,[23] which petitioned for the stamp to be issued in honor of the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment. How marvelous has been the advancement of your race. “Up From Slavery,” to quote the title of a book which won universal admiration when the great Booker T. Washington[24] gave it to the world nearly forty years ago.
“I need hardly assure you that I had great satisfaction in authorizing the Thirteenth Amendment commemorative stamp. It is a symbol of all that has been achieved by Negroes in the past three-quarters of a century—achievements that have enriched and enlarged and ennobled our American life.
“It is an irony of our day that three-quarters of a century after the adoption of the Amendment forever outlawing slavery under the American Flag, liberty should be under violent attack. And yet over large areas of the earth the liberties which to us mean happiness and the right to live peaceful and contented lives are challenged by brute force—a force which would return the human family to that state of slavery from which emancipation came through the Thirteenth Amendment.
“As we celebrate the blessings of liberty which our Negro citizens share under the beneficent provision let us all, as Americans unite in a solemn determination to defend and maintain and transmit to those who shall follow us on the rich heritage of freedom which is ours today. ”[25]
On the Issuing of a 13th Amendment Stamp, New York Times, October 21 – “It is an irony of our day that three-quarters of a century after the adoption of the amendment forever outlawing slavery under the American flag, liberty should be under violent attack. And yet over large areas of the earth the liberties which to us mean happiness and the right to live peacefully and contentented lives are challenged by brute force – a force which would return the human family to that state of slavery from which emancipation came through the thirteenth amendment. As we celebrate the blessings of liberty, which our Negro citizens share under the beneficent provision, let us all, as Americans, unite in a solemn determination to defend and maintain and transmit to those who shall follow us the rich heritage of freedom which is ours today. ”[26]
1941
Memorandum Condemning Discrimination in Defense Work, June 12—“Complaints have repeatedly been brought to my attention that available and much-needed workers are being barred from defense production solely because of race, religion, or national origin. It is said that at a time when labor stringencies are appearing in many areas, fully qualified workers are being turned from the gates of industry on specifications entirely unrelated to efficiency and productivity. Also that discrimination against Negro workers has been nation-wide and other minority racial, national, and religious groups have felt its effects in many localities.
“I note with satisfaction that the Office of Production Management has recognized the seriousness of this situation, and that on April 11, 1941, it addressed a letter on the subject to all holders of defense contracts. As Chief Executive of the Nation I place the full support of my office behind your statement to the effect that ‘All holders of defense contracts are urged to examine their employment and training policies at once to determine whether or not these policies make ample provision for the full utilization of available and competent Negro workers. Every available source of labor capable of producing defense materials must be tapped in the present emergency. ’
“No Nation combating the increasing threat of totalitarianism can afford arbitrarily to exclude large segments of its population from its defense industries. Even more important is it for us to strengthen our unity and morale by refuting at home the very theories which we are fighting abroad.
“Our Government cannot countenance continued discrimination against American citizens in defense production. Industry must take the initiative in opening the doors of employment to all loyal and qualified workers regardless of race, national origin, religion, or color. American workers, both organized and unorganized, must be prepared to welcome the general and much needed employment of fellow workers of all racial and nationality origins in defense industries.
“In the present emergency, it is imperative that we deal effectively and speedily with this problem. I shall expect the Office of Production Management to take immediate steps to facilitate the full utilization of our productive manpower. ”[27]
Memorandum for William S. Knudsen and Sidney Hillman [codirectors, Office of Production Management] June 12 – “Complaints have repeatedly been brought to my attention that available and much-needed workers are being barred from defense production solely because of race, religion, or national origin. It is said that at a time when labor stringencies are appearing in many areas, fully-qualified workers are being turned from the gates of industry on specification entirely unrelated to efficiency and productivity. Also that discrimination against Negro workers has been nation-wide, and other minority, racial, national, and religious groups have felt its effects in many localities. This situation is a matter of grave national importance, and immediate steps must be taken to deal with it effectively.
I note with satisfaction that the Office of Production Management has recognized the seriousness of this situation, and that on April 11, 1941, it addressed a letter on the subject to all holders of defense contracts. As Chief Executive of the Nation I place the full support of my office behind your statement to the effect that, “All holders of defense contracts are urged to examine their employment and training policies at once to determine whether or not these policies make ample provision for the full utilization of available and competent Negro workers. Every available source of labor capable of producing defense materials must be tapped in the present emergency. ”
No nation combating the increasing threat of totalitarianism can afford arbitrarily to exclude large segments of its population from its defense industries. Even more important is for us to strengthen our unity and morale by refuting at home the very theories which we are fighting abroad.
“Our government cannot countenance continued discrimination against American citizens in defense production. Industry must take the initiative in opening the doors of employment to all loyal and qualified workers regardless of race, national origin, religion or color. American workers, both organized and unorganized, must be prepared to welcome the general and much-needed employment of fellow-workers of all racial and nationality origins in defense industries.
“In the present emergency, it is imperative that we deal effectively and speedily with this problem. I shall expect the Office of Production Management to take immediate steps to facilitate the full utilization of our productive manpower. ”[28]
Executive Order 8802—Reaffirming Policy of Full Participation in the Defense Program By All Persons, Regardless of Race, Creed, Color, or National Origin, and Directing Certain Action in Furtherance of Said Policy, June 25—“WHEREAS it is the policy of the United States to encourage full participation in the national defense program by all citizens of the United States, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, in the firm belief that the democratic way of life within the Nation can be defended successfully only with the help and support of all groups within its borders; and
“WHEREAS there is evidence that available and needed workers have been barred from employment in certain industries engaged in defense production solely because of consideration of race, creed, color, or national origin, for the detriment of workers’ morale, and of national unity.
“NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes, and as a prerequisite to the successful conduct of our national defense production effort, I do hereby reaffirm the policy of the United States that there shall be no discrimination in the employment of workers in defense industries or government because of race, creed, color, or national origin, and I do hereby declare that it is the duty of employers and of labor organizations, in furtherance of said policy and of this Order, to provide for the full and equitable participation of all workers in defense industries, without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“And it is hereby ordered as follows:
“1. All departments and agencies of the Government of the United States concerned with vocational aid training programs for defense production shall take special measures appropriate to assure that such programs are administered without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“2. All contracting agencies of the Government of the United States shall include in all defense contracts hereafter negotiated by them a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any worker because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“3. There is established in the Office of Production Management a Committee on Fair Employment Practice, which shall consist of a Chairman and four other members to be appointed. The Chairman and members of the Committee shall serve as such without compensation but shall be entitled to actual and necessary transportation, subsistence, and other expenses incidental to performance of their duties. The Committee shall receive and investigate complaints of discrimination in violation of the provisions of this Order and shall take appropriate steps to redress grievances which it finds to be valid. The Committee shall also recommend to the several departments and agencies which it finds to be valid. The Committee shall also recommend to the several departments and agencies of the Government of the United States and to the President all measures which may be deemed by it necessary or proper to effectuate the provisions of this Order. ”[29]
Executive Order 8823, Providing for an Additional Member of the Committee on Fair Employment Practice in the Office of Production Management, Established by Section 3 of Executive Order No. 8802 of June 25, 1941, July 18 – “By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and the statutes, section 3 of Executive Order No. 8802 of June 25, 1941 establishing in the Office of Production Management a Committee on Fair Employment Practice consisting of a chairman and four other members, is hereby amended to provide that the Committee shall consist of a chairman and five other members. ”[30]
Letter to Mark Etheridge, chairman, FEPC, September 3, 1941 – Please accept my thanks for your letter of August 29, to which I have given careful consideration. This will inform you that I have approved the Committee’s recommendation. I am, therefore, today forwarding to the heads of all departments and independent establishments a letter emphasizing the necessity of impartial administration of the Federal Civil Service, entirely without prejudice based on creed, race, or national origin. I enclose a copy.
“May I, in advising you of my approval, ask you to convey to the members of the Committee an assurance of my heartfelt appreciation of their conscientious work, which I trust will contribute vitally to the solution of a grave problem. ”
The text of the letter which the President sent to the heads of all departments and independent establishments follows:
“To Heads of ALL Departments and Independent Establishments:
“It has come to my attention that there is in the Federal establishment a lack of uniformity and possibly some lack of sympathetic attitude toward the problem of minority groups, particularly those relating to the employment and assignment of Negroes in the Federal Civil Service.
“With a view to improving the situation, it is my desire that all departments and independent establishments in the Federal Government make a thorough examination of their personal policies and practices to the end that they may be able to assure me that in the Federal Service the doors of employment are open to all loyal and qualified workers regardless of creed, race, or national origin.
“It is imperative that we deal with this problem speedily and effectively. I shall look for immediate steps to be taken by all departments and independent establishments of the Government to facilitate and put into effect this policy of nondiscrimination in Federal employment. ”[31]
1942
Excerpts from the Press Conference, February 13 – Q. Mr. President, did you see Secretary [Claude R. ] Wickard’s statement that the F. S. A. has not been paying poll taxes?
THE PRESIDENT: “I did. ”
“These tenant people, these people who come under Federal grants have a budget which includes everything, every necessity of life. It includes food, includes clothing, includes a bed to sleep in, and it includes taxes of all kinds. And in these budgets they allow people to put down one form of tax, which is a poll tax.
“This controversy reminds me of the time seven or eight years ago, when there was a drive in this country to prevent anybody on W. P. A. from voting. Now that is an awfully good parallel. Why, there were cheers and yells from a certain type of mind in the country when it was proposed that persons, because they were poor, would have to be cut out from the right to vote. ”
Q. “Mr. President, do you approve of the poll tax in principle? Do you think it’s a sound tax, anyway?”
THE PRESIDENT: “I suppose the best thing to do is quote the war editor of the Montgomery, Alabama, Journal and let him talk to you. ”
(Reading): “No one questions the wisdom of the Alabama law which prohibits anyone from paying another’s poll tax. It might be a good –“
“And mind you that is a state tax. ”
“—it might be a good thing if it were enforced generally in the South, but the law does not forbid a farmer or anyone else to go to his bank and borrow money to pay his taxes – poll taxes or no poll taxes. Why then all the fuss about the F. S. A. which is the only bank available to many farmers?”
Q. “Do you think the poll tax in itself, Mr. President, has kept the poor people in the past from voting in the past?”
THE PRESIDENT: “Yes, of course it has. ”
Q. “Do you think that is a good idea?”
THE PRESIDENT: “No. I have been opposed to a poll tax all my life. ”[32]
1943
Executive Order 9346—Establishing a Committee on Fair Employment Practice, May 27—“In order to establish a new Committee on Fair Employment Practice, to promote the fullest utilization of all available manpower, and to eliminate discriminatory employment practices, Executive Order No. 8802 of June 25, 1941, as amended by Executive Order No. 8823 of July 18, 1941, is hereby further amended to read as follows:
“Whereas it is the policy of the United States to encourage full participation in the national defense program by all citizens of the United States, regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, in the firm belief that the democratic way of life within the Nation can be defended successfully only with the help and support of all groups within its borders; and
“Whereas there is evidence that available and needed workers have been barred from employment in certain industries engaged in defense production solely because of consideration of race, creed, color, or national origin, for the detriment if workers’ morale, and of national unity.
“Whereas it is the policy of the United States to encourage full participation in the war effort by all persons in the United States regardless of race, creed, color, or national origin, in the firm belief that the democratic way of life within the Nation can be defended successfully only with the help and support of all groups within its borders; and
“Now, Therefore, by virtue by the authority vested in me by the Constitution and statutes, and as President of the United States and Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, I do hereby reaffirm the policy of the United States that there shall be no discrimination in the employment of any person in war industries or in Government by reason of race, creed, color, or national origin, and I do hereby declare that it is the duty of all employers, including the several Federal departments and agencies, and all labor organizations, in furtherance of this policy and of this order, to eliminate discrimination in regard to hire, tenure, terms, or conditions of employment, or union membership because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“It is hereby ordered as follows:
“1. All contracting agencies of the Government of the United States shall include in all contracts hereafter negotiated or renegotiated by them a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, creed, color, or national origin and requiring him to include a similar provision in all subcontracts.
“2. All departments and agencies of the Government of the United States concerned with vocational and training programs for war production shall take all measures appropriate to assure that such programs are administered without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“3. There is hereby established in the Office for Emergency Management of the Executive Office of the President a Committee on Fair Employment Practice, hereinafter referred to as the Committee, which shall consist of a Chairman and not more than six other members to be appointed by the President. The chairman shall receive such salary as shall be fixed by the President not exceeding $10,000 per year. The other members of the Committee shall receive necessary traveling expenses and, unless their compensation is otherwise prescribed by the President, a per diem allowance not exceeding $25 per day and subsistence expenses on such days as they are actually engaged in the performance of duties pursuant to this Order.
“4. The Committee shall formulate policies to achieve the purposes of this Order and shall make recommendations to the various Federal departments and agencies and to the President which it deems necessary and proper to make effective the provisions of this Order. The Committee shall also recommend to the Chairman of the War Manpower Commission appropriate measures for bringing about the full utilization and training of manpower in and for war production without discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin.
“5. The Committee shall receive and investigate complaints of discrimination forbidden by this Order. It may conduct hearings, make findings of fact, and take appropriate steps to obtain elimination of such discrimination.
“6. Upon the appointment of the Committee and the designation of its Chairman, the Fair Employment Practice Committee established by Executive Order of June 25, 1941, hereinafter referred to as the old Committee shall cease to exist. All records and property of the old Committee and such unexpended balances of allocations or other funds available for its use as the Director of the Bureau of the Budget shall determine shall be transferred to the Committee. The Committee shall assume jurisdiction over all complaints and matters pending before the old Committee and shall conduct such investigations and hearings as may be necessary in the performance of its duties under this order.
“7. Within the limits of the funds which may be made for that purpose, the Chairman shall appoint and for the compensation of such personnel and make provision for such supplies, facilities, and services as may be necessary to carry out this Order. The Committee may utilize the services and facilities of other Federal departments and agencies and such voluntary and uncompensated services as may from time to time be needed. The Committee may accept the services of State and local authorities and officials, and may perform the functions and duties and exercise the powers conferred upon it by this Order through such officials and agencies and in such manner as it may determine.
“8. The Committee shall have the power to promulgate such rules and regulations as may be appropriate or necessary to carry out the provisions of this Order.
“9. The provisions of any other pertinent Executive Order inconsistent with this Order are hereby superseded. ”[33]
President’s Proclamation 2588—Directing Detroit Race Rioters to Disperse, June 21—
“By the President of the United States of America
A Proclamation.
“Whereas, the Governor of the State of Michigan has represented that domestic violence exists in said State which the authorities of said State are unable to suppress, and
“Whereas, it is provided in the Constitution of the United States that the United States shall protect each state in the Union, on application of the Legislature, or of the Executive, when the Legislature cannot be convened, against domestic violence; and
“Whereas, the Legislature of the State of Michigan is not now in session and cannot be convened in time to meet the present emergency, and the Executive of said State under Section 4 of Article IV of the Constitution of the United States, and the laws passed in pursuance thereof, has made due application to me in the premises for such part of the military forces of the United States as may be necessary and adequate to protect the state of Michigan and the citizens thereof against domestic violence and to enforce the due execution of the laws; and
“Whereas, it is required that whenever it may be necessary, in the judgment of the President, to use the military forces of the United States for the purposes aforesaid, he shall forthwith, by proclamation, command such insurgents to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective homes within a limited time.
“Now, Therefore, I, Franklin D. Roosevelt, President of the United States of America, do hereby make proclamation and I do hereby command all persons engaged in said unlawful and insurrectionary proceedings to disperse and retire peacefully to their respective abodes immediately, and hereafter abandon said combinations and submit themselves to the laws and constituted authorities of said State;
“And I invoke the aid and cooperation of all good citizens thereof to uphold the laws and preserve the public peace. ”[34]
[Construction of Executive Order 9346] Letter to Attorney General Francis Biddle, November 5 – My Dear Mr. Attorney General: You have brought to my attention the Comptroller General’s opinion holding that Executive Order 9346 is directive only and not mandatory in requiring insertion in all Government contracts of a provision obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment on account of race, creed, color, or national origin; and requiring the contractor to include similar contractual provisions in all subcontracts.
There is no need for me to reiterate the fundament principles underlying the promulgation of the Executive order, namely, that the prosecution of the war demands that we utilize fully all available manpower, and that the discrimination by war industries against persons for any of the reasons named in the order is detrimental to the prosecution of the war and is opposed to our national democratic purposes.
I realize the hesitancy of the Comptroller General to withhold payments on Government contracts in which these provisions have not been included where there is doubt as to whether the order is mandatory. I therefore wish to make it perfectly clear that these provisions are mandatory and should be incorporated in all Government contracts. The order should be so construed by all Government contracting agencies.
Very sincerely yours,
Franklin D. Roosevelt[35]
1944
Appointment of a Committee to Investigate Discrimination in Railroad Employment, January 3—“I have received from the Fair Employment Practice Committee certification that the Committee has reached an impasse with a number of railroads and railroad labor organizations in its effort to secure the removal of discriminations in certain fields of railroad employment; I am enclosing a copy of the letter to me from Chairman Malcolm Ross of the Fair Employment Practice Committee and also copies of pertinent documents in this case.
“Obviously in such a complicated structure as the transportation industry, we cannot immediately attain perfect justice in terms of equal employment opportunities for all people. I am sure, however, that you agree with me that all Americans at this time should be anxious to see to it that no discriminations prevent the fullest use of our manpower in providing the strength essential to the major military offensives now planned. Indeed, hardly anything in America now seems so important as such a unity based upon justice as will make possible the best use of all our human resources in this year of supreme national effort.
“The specific questions involved in the case certified to me by the Fair Employment Practice Committee relate only to discriminations against certain classes of Negro railroad employees in connection with which complaints were filed with the Committee. These employees are locomotive firemen, trainmen, switchmen, dining car and shop employees.
“I believe it to be highly important in connection with this situation that a small committee of disinterested and distinguished citizens be appointed to discuss this matter as my representatives with the railroads and labor organizations. I am sure that agreements shaped in good sense and good will can be reached.
“I am asking to serve on this committee yourself[36] as Chairman, Frank J. Lausche,[37] Mayor of Cleveland, Ohio, and Judge William H. Holly of the United States District Court in Chicago. [38]
“I plan to call a meeting of the committee with representatives of carriers and labor organizations in Washington in the very near future. I am aware of the other public demands being made upon your time and energy today, but I trust I may have your acceptance of this most important public undertaking. ”[39]
Excerpts from the Press Conference for the Negro Newspaper Publishers Association, February 5—“Mr. Ira Lewis [Pittsburgh Courier]:[40] There is one very pressing question that is causing the colored people lots of concern. I think that we represent here perhaps five or six million readers, and that question is posed to us at all times. It is a grievous and vexing one. It has to do with the treatment of our boys in the armed services. They haven’t been treated right by civilian police, and by the M. P. ’s [Military Police]. We know of instances where soldiers on furlough have come home and taken off their uniform on account of intimidation.
“And they think, Mr. President, that that is your responsibility. They think that you alone can correct that. I think you can put your hand right on the question, which will do more towards strengthening morale and making more for unity and making the Negro citizen believe that he is a part of this great commonwealth. Just one word from you, we all feel, would do that. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: “I am glad you brought that up, because I have been in touch with it. It is perfectly true, there is definite discrimination in the actual treatment of the colored engineer troops, and others. And you are up against it, as you know perfectly well. I have talked about it—I had the Secretary of War[41] and the Assistant[42]—everybody in on it. The trouble lies fundamentally in the attitude of certain white people—officers down the line who haven’t got very much more education, many of them, than the colored troops, and the Seabees, and the engineers, for example. And well, you know the kind of person it is. We all do. We don’t have to do more than think of a great many people that we know. And it has become not a question of orders—they are repeated fairly often, I think, in all the camps of colored troops—it’s a question of the personality of the individual. And we are up against it, absolutely up against it. I always think of the fact that it probably is improving. I like to think that mere association helps things along. ”[43]
Harry S. Truman
1944
Interview with Grace and Morris Milgram – “During our interview Truman spoke frankly about Negroes. Independence, Missouri is practically a southern town, and as the senator talked his attitude seemed no worse, and probably much better, than the attitude of most white men in this section.
“He told us, ‘I don’t believe in social equality. I believe in equality of opportunity. There never will be social equality. ’ He informed us that Negroes ‘are not and never will be’ served in restaurants and soda fountains of Independence. ”
“He never has, and ‘never will’ invite a Negro to his home for dinner. ‘I reserve the right to choose my guests,’ he said. ‘There are lots of whites too, whom I’ve never had to dinner and never would invite to my home. ’ The senator probably intended this remark as a sincere compliment to the Negroes***
“The most remarkable of Senator Truman’s beliefs is his delusion that Negroes have organized ‘push days. ’ Negroes, he told us, ‘are going too far in St. Louis. The Negroes have started a push day once a week, which they shove white people out of the bars. Why, St. Louis is sitting on a keg of dynamite. And they’ve got a push day in Washington too! I won’t let my daughter go down town on the street cars on Thursdays, anymore. It’s not safe. They push people off the street cars. ’”[44]
1945
May 5, Walter White visits the White House (Gardner, 12)
Letter to the Chairman, House Rules Committee [Adolph J. Sabath], Concerning the Committee on Fair Employment Practice. June 5, 1945 – “Dear Mr. Congressman:
“I understand that the House Appropriations Committee has deleted from the War Agencies Appropriation Bill for the fiscal year beginning July 1, 1945, all appropriations for the Fair Employment Practice Committee.
“This action will have the effect of abolishing the Committee and terminating its work without giving the Members of the House of Representatives an opportunity to vote on the question.
“The Fair Employment Practice Committee was originally established before the attack upon us at Pearl Harbor, and was an integral part of our defense production program. It has continued since then in one form or another; and has grown steadily in importance. Its work has been based on the principle that the successful prosecution of the war demands the participation of all available workers regtardless of race, creed or color, and that the policy of the United States was to encourage all such persons to full participation in the war effort.
“The war is not over. In fact a bitter and deadly conflict lies ahead of us. To abandon at this time the fundamental principle upon which the Fair Employment Practice Committee was established is unthinkable.
“Even if the war were over, or nearly over, the question of fair employment practices during the reconversion period and thereafter would be of paramount importance. Discrimination in the matter of employment against properly qualified persons because of their race, creed, or color is not only un-American in nature, but will lead eventually to industrial strife and unrest. It has a tendency to create substandard conditions of living for a large part of our population. The principle and policy of fair employment practice should be established permanently as a part of our national law.
I understand that one reason assigned for omitting an appropriation for the present Committee is that a proposal is now before the Congress to establish a permanent and statutory Fair Employment Practice Commission.
“The legislation providing for this Commission is now in the Rules Committee.
“Unless it is sent to the floor, the Members of the House will have no opportunity to vote upon it. The result will be that on July 1st next the principle of fair employment practices will have been abandoned by the House of Representatives.
“I therefore urge the Rules Committee to adopt a rule permitting this legislation to be voted upon by the Members of the House as quickly as possible.
“Very sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman. ”[45]
Letter to Charles H. Houston, December 7—“Dear Mr. Houston:
“Your letter of December third has been received.
“When it was found necessary under the wartime powers conferred upon the President by the Congress, to seize the Capital Transit property, the conditions under which the property was to be operated were the same as those of any other property so seized. The law requires that when the Government seizes a property under such circumstances, it ‘shall be operated under the terms and conditions of employment which were in effect at the time possession of such plant, mine, or facility was so taken. ’
“In view of this apparent contradiction between the law and the order which the Fair Employment Practice Committee proposed to issue, it was thought best to suggest that the order be temporarily postponed. The property was not seized for the purpose of enforcing the aims of the Fair Employment Practice Committee, laudable as these aims are, but to guarantee transportation for the citizens of Washington and vicinity.
“As anxious as I am for Congress to pass legislation for a permanent Fair Employment Practice Committee, I cannot contravene an Act of Congress in order to carry out the present Committee’s aims. Under the circumstances it was felt the issuance of the proposed order would prove injurious to the accomplishments desired by all of us who are honestly interested in promoting the welfare of minority groups.
“I regret that you were unwilling to approach the problem from this viewpoint. As suggested in your letter, your resignation is accepted, to be effective immediately. ”
Very sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman[46]
Special Message to the Congress Presenting a 21-Point Program for the Reconversion Period. September 6, 1945 – . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“6. Fair Employment Practice Committee
“During the years of war production we made substantial program in overcoming many of the prejudices which had resulted in discrimination against minority groups.
“Many of the injustices based upon consideration of race, religion, and color were removed. Many were prevented. Perfection was not reached, of course, but substantial progress was made.
“In the reconversion period and thereafter, we should made every effort to continue this American ideal. It is one of the fundamentals of our political philosophy, and it should be an integral part of our economy.
“The Fair Employment Practice Committee is continuing during the transition period. I have already requested that legislation be enacted placing the Fair Employment Practice Committee on a permanent bases. I repeat that recommendation. [47]
Executive Order 9664, Continuing the Work of the Fair Employment Practice Committee, December 18 – “By virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and statutes, it is hereby ordered as follows:
“The duties and responsibilities imposed upon the Committee on Fair Employment Practice by Executive Order 8802, dated June 25, 1941, as amended by Executive Order 8823 of July 18, 1941, and by Executive Order 9346 or May 27, 1943, shall be continued there-under for the period and subject to the conditions stated in the National War Agencies Appropriations Act, 1946, (Public Law 156, 79th Congress, 1st Session, approved July 17, 1945).
“As a part of its duties the Committee shall investigate, make findings and recommendations, and report to the President, with respect to discrimination in industries engages in work contributing to the production of military supplies or to the effective transition to a peacetime economy. ”
Attached Statement
“In connection with the attached Executive Order, the President has sent the following directive to the heads of all Government departments, agencies and independent establishments:
“Cutbacks in government employment have resulted in a considerable displacement of wartime workers in Washington and the field. The Civil Service Commission, in the interest of retaining capable and efficient employees wherever possible, has established a set of principles governing reduction in force and transfer of employees to peacetime activity. It has come to my attention that a considerable number of loyal and qualified employees have been refused transfer and reemployment by employing agencies solely because of race and creed. This condition is a violation of civil service rujles which have been issued by the President and in violation of existing law.
“I am writing to request that you make careful analysis of your personnel policies, procedures and practices in order that you can assure me that they are in accord with national law and policy and in order that all qualified workers in existing temporary war jobs will be considered fairly for appointments without distinction because of race, creed, color or national origin.
“In addition, your full cooperation with FEPC in all matters affecting the employment of minorities in government is requested. ”[48]
1946
Conference with the executive committee of the Negro Newspaper Publishers Association, March 1 – (Responding to a statement by Mrs. Robert L. Vann of the Pittsburgh Courier on behalf of the committee in which she commended the president for appointing qualified African Americans to responsible positions in the government and for his support of the FEPC legislation. ) “. . . there are things that are necessary today of course – it is a pity that they have to be done – but there are certain things that are necessary to be done to give us the Bill of Rights as it is written in the Constitution of the United States. We want to see equal opportunity for everybody, regardless of race, creed or color.
“I have been rather disturbed and alarmed at the anti-Semitic propaganda that has been distributed in this country, which in the end results in anti-color purposes the same as we had in 1922 and 1924 after the other war – the people who would go behind sheets. We don’t want to see that happen after this war. We want to see an implementation through this FEPC legislation of what is in the Constitution. We all have the same feelings inside of us here that we should have that, that men are created equal – with equal rights. We have to have special legislation to enforce it – to implement the thing that God Almighty intended us to have automatically. ”[49]
The President’s Press Conference of April 11 – “Q. Mr. President, in your Chicago press conference, there was something mentioned about the poll tax. Can that be taken to mean that States alone have the power to repeal –
“THE PRESIDENT. I anticipated that you would ask me that question, and I have got a statement prepared for you which will be the answer to you. I will read it for you.
“[Reading, not literally] ‘I haven’t changed my position on Federal anti-poll tax legislation. I am still in favor of Federal legislation. I voted for cloture on this issue in the Senate, and I would do so again if I were a Senator.
“’However, I also favor State action. There is no contradiction between Federal and State action on this matter. While the Federal anti-poll tax legislation has been pending in the Congress, several States have abandoned the poll tax. ’
“And you must have the support of the people for any law. The prohibition law proved that.
“[Continuing reading, not literally] ‘This is a great step forward, and I hope more States will see fit to change their poll tax laws.
“’It may well be that the possibility of Federal action has stimulated State action. This is often the case with State and local legislation. For example, while we were pressing for the Federal action on fair employment practice legislation, several States and a number of municip-alities have adopted fair employment practice acts. Federal legislation and State legislation should supplement one another wherever possible. I am in favor of both Federal and State action on anti-poll tax legislation, FEPC and all similar legislation. ’
“This ought to clear the matter up completely. ”[50]
Letter Accepting Resignation of the Chairman and Members of the Fair Employment Practice Committee, June 30 – [Released June 30, 1946. Dated June 28, 1946]
“Dear Mr. Ross:
“I have your letter of June 28, containing the resignation of yourself and your fellow Committee members, together with recommendations made pursuant to Executive Order No. 9664.
“The members of your Committee performed an important war service task of great difficulty and delicacy. They performed it capably, even under a continuous barrage of criticism and harassment.
“The degree of effectiveness which the Fair Employment Practice Committee was able to attain has shown once and for all that it is possible to equalize job opportunity by governmental action, and thus eventually to eliminate the influence of prejudice in the field of employment.
Please convey to the members of the Committee my appreciation of the devotion they brought to this war-time task. I thank them for their service, and I accept their resignations with great regret.
“Very truly yours,
“Harry S. Truman”[51]
Letter to Charles G. Bolte, chairman, American Veterans Committee, Concerning Discrimination on Campus, August 28 – “Dear Mr. Bolte: I appreciate your favorable response to the establishment of the National Commission on Higher Education and welcome your support of its work.
“I am keenly aware of the fundamental problem of discrimination in education to which yu have called specific attention, and of the broader problem of intolerance which this discrimination symbolizes. Those who sincerely desire to see the fullest expression of our democracy can never rest until the opportunity for an education, at all levels, has been given to all qualified Americans, regardless of race, creed, color, national origin, sex or economic status.
“It was with this principle very clearly in mind that I asked the members of the Commission to consider ‘ways and means of expanding educational opportunities for all able young people. ’ I am pleased that the Commission, in its first meeting recently concluded, has decided to deal specifically with this problem. I am sure that the members of the Commission will spare no effort in devising methods for eliminating existing barriers of discrimination affecting educational opportunity in our institutions of higher learning.
“We have only recently completed a long and bitter war against intolerance and hatred in other lands. A cruel price in blood and suffering was paid by the American people in bringing that war to a successful conclusion. Yet, in this country today there exists disturbing evidence of intolerance and prejudice similar in kind, though perhaps not in degree, to that against which we fought the war.
“Discrimination, like a disease, must be attacked wherever it appears. This applies to the opportunity to vote, to hold and retain a job, and to secure adequate shelter and medical care no less than to gain an education compatible with the needs and ability of the individual.
“Very sincerely yours,
“Harry S. Truman”[52]
Letter to Atty. Gen. Tom Clark, September 20 -- “Dear Tom: I had as callers yesterday some members of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and they told me about an incident which happened in South Carolina where a negro Sergeant, who had been discharged from the Army just three hours, was taken off the bus and not only severely beaten but his eyes deliberately put out, and that the Mayor of the town had bragged about committing this outrage.
“I have been very much alarmed at the increased racial feeling all over the country and I am wondering if it wouldn’t be well to appoint a commission to analyze the situation and have a remedy to present to the next Congress – something similar to the Wickersham Commission on Prohibition.
“I know you have been looking into the Tennessee and Georgia lynchings, and also been investigating the one in Louisiana, but I think it is going to take something more than the handling of each individual case after it happens – it is going to require the inauguration of some sort of policy to prevent such happenings.
“I’ll appreciate very much your views on the subject.
“Sincerely yours,
“Harry S. Truman”[53]
Truman, December 5 – “The federal government is hampered by inadequate civil rights statutes. The protection of our democratic institutions and the enjoyment by the people of their rights under the Constitution require that these weak and inadequate statutes should be expanded and improved.”[54]
Statement by the President Regarding the Signing of Executive Order 9808 Creating the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, December 5 -- “Freedom From Fear is more fully realized in our country than in any other on the face of the earth. Yet all parts of our population are not equally free from fear. And from time to time, and in some places, this freedom has been gravely threatened. It was so after the last war, when organized groups fanned hatred and intolerance, until, at times, mob action struck fear into the hearts of men and women because of their racial origin or religious beliefs.
“Today, Freedom From Fear, and the democratic institutions which sustain it, are again under attack. In some places, from time to time, the local enforcement of law and order has broken down, and individuals—sometimes ex-servicemen, even women—have been killed, maimed, or intimidated.
“The preservation of civil liberties is a duty of every Government—state, Federal, and local. Wherever the law enforcement measures and the authority of Federal, state, and local governments are inadequate to discharge this primary function of government, these measures and this authority should be strengthened and improved.
“The Constitutional guarantees of individual liberties and of equal protection under the laws clearly place on the Federal Government the duty to act when state or local authorities abridge or fail to protect those Constitutional rights.
“Yet in the discharge of the obligations placed on it by the Constitution, the Federal Government is hampered by inadequate civil rights statutes. The protection of our Democratic institutions and the enjoyment by the people of their rights under the Constitution require that these weak and inadequate statutes should be expanded or improved. We must provide the Department of Justice with the tools to do the job.
“I have, therefore, issued today an Executive Order creating the President’s Committee on Civil Rights and I am asking this Committee to prepare for me a written report. The substance of this report will be recommendations with respect to the adoption or establishment by legislation or otherwise of more adequate and effective means and procedures for the protection of the civil rights of the people of the United States. ”[55]
Executive Order 9808, Establishing the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, December 5 -- “WHEREAS the preservation of civil rights guaranteed by the Constitution is essential to domestic tranquility, national security, the general welfare, and the continued existence of our free institutions; and
“WHEREAS the action of individuals who take the law into their own hands and inflict summary vengeance is subversive of our democratic system of law enforcement and public criminal justice, and gravely threatens our form of government; and
“WHEREAS it is essential that all possible steps be taken to safeguard our civil rights;
“NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States by the Constitution and the statutes of the United States, it is hereby ordered as follows:
“1. There is hereby created a committee to be known as the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, which shall be composed of the following-named members, who shall serve without compensation:
“Mr. Charles E. Wilson, Chairman; Mrs. Sadie T. Alexander; Mr. James B. Carey; Mr. John S. Dickey; Mrs. Morris L. Ernst; Rabbi Roland G. Gittelsohn; Dr. Frank P. Graham; the Most Reverend Francis J. Haas, Mr. Charles Luckman; Mr. Francis P. Matthews; Mr. Franklin D. Roosevelt, Jr.; The Right Reverend Henry Knox Sherrill; Mr. Boris Shishkin; Mrs. M. E. Tilley; Mr. Channing H. Tobias.
“2. The Committee is authorized on behalf of the President to inquire into and to determine whether and in what respect current law enforcement measures and the authority and means possessed by Federal, State, and local governments may be strengthened and improved to safeguard the civil rights of the people.
“3. All executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government are authorized and directed to cooperate with the Committee in its work, and to furnish the Committee such information or services of such persons as the Committee may require in the performance of its duties.
“4. When requested by the Committee to do so, persons employed in any of the executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government shall testify before the Committee and shall make available for the use of the Committee such documents and other information as the Committee may require.
“5. The Committee shall make a report of its studies to the President in writing, and shall in particular make recommendations with respect to the adoption or establishment, by legislation or otherwise, of more adequate and effective means and procedures for the protection of the civil rights of the people of the United States.
“6. Upon rendition of its report to the President, the Committee shall cease to exist, unless otherwise determined by further Executive Order. ”[56]
1947
Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union, January 6 -- . . . “We have recently witnessed in this country numerous attacks upon the constitutional rights of individual citizens as a result of racial and religious bigotry. Substantial segments of our people have been prevented from exercising fully their right to participate in the election of public officials, both locally and nationally. Freedom to engage in lawful callings has been denied.
“The will to fight these crimes should be in the hearts of every one of us.
“For the Federal Government that fight is now being carried on by the Department of Justice to the full extent of the powers that have been conferred upon it. While the Constitution withholds from the Federal Government the major task of preserving peace in the several States, I am not convinced that the present legislation reached the limit of federal power to protect the civil rights of its citizens.
“I have therefore, by Executive Order [9808], established the President’s Committee on Civil Rights to study and report on the whole problem of federally secured civil rights, with a view to making recommendations to the Congress. ”[57]
Remarks to Members of the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, January 15—“You have a vitally important job. We are none of us entirely familiar with just how far the Federal Government under the Constitution has a right to go in these civil rights matters.
“I want our Bill of Rights implemented in fact. We have been trying to do this for 150 years. We are making progress, but we are not making progress fast enough. This country could easily be faced with a situation similar to the one with which it was faced in 1922. That date was impressed on my mind because in 1922 I was running for my first elective office—county judge of Jackson County [Missouri]—and there was an organization in that county that met on hills and burned crosses and worked behind sheets. [58] There is a tendency in this country for that situation to develop again, unless we do something tangible to prevent it.
“I don’t want to see any race discrimination. I don’t want to see any religious bigotry break out in this country as it did then.
“You people can, I think, make a real contribution here, with the assistance of the Attorney General and the Office of the President, that will give us tangible results. Your willingness to undertake the job shows that your hearts are in the right place.
“I appreciate highly your willingness to spend your time on a matter of this kind. You may get more brickbats than bouquets. Your willingness to undertake the job shows that your hearts are in the right place.
“I know you will go to work in earnest and I hope that you will bring me something tangible by which we can accomplish the purposes which we have been trying to accomplish for 150 years ever since the adoption of the Constitution.
“I am sure it will be. I have been very much alarmed at certain happenings around the country that go to show there is a latent spirit in some of us that isn’t what it ought to be. It has been difficult in some places to enforce even local laws. I want the Attorney General to know just exactly how far he can go legally from the Federal Government’s standpoint. I am a believer in the sovereignty of the individual and of the local governments. I don’t think the Federal Government ought to be in a position to exercise dictatorial powers locally, but there are certain rights under the Constitution of the United States which I think the Federal Government has a right to protect. It’s a big job. Go to it!”[59]
Address Before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, June 29—“I am happy to be present at the closing session of the 38th Annual Conference of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. The occasion of meeting with you here at the Lincoln Memorial affords me the opportunity to congratulate the association upon its effective work for the improvement of our democratic processes.
“I should like to talk to you briefly about civil rights and human freedom. It is my deep conviction that we have reached a turning point in the long history of our country’s efforts to guarantee freedom and equality to all our citizens. Recent events in the United States and abroad have made us realize that it is more important today than ever before to insure that all Americans enjoy these rights.
“When I say all Americans, I mean all Americans.
“The civil rights laws written in the early years of our Republic, and the traditions which have been built upon them, are precious to us. Those laws were drawn up with the memory still fresh in men’s minds of the tyranny of an absentee government. They were written to protect the citizen against any possible tyrannical act by the new government in this country.
“But we cannot be content with a civil liberties program which emphasizes only the need of protection against the possibility of tyranny by the Government. We cannot stop these.
“We must keep moving forward, with new concepts of civil rights to safeguard our heritage. The extension of civil rights today means, not protection of the people against the Government, but protection of the people by the Government.
“We must make the Federal Government a friendly, vigilant defender of the rights and equalities of all Americans. And again I mean all Americans.
“As Americans, we believe that every man should be free to live his life as he wishes. He should be limited only by his responsibility to his fellow countrymen. If this freedom is to be more than a dream, each man should be guaranteed equality of opportunity. The only limit to an American’s achievement should be his ability, his industry, and his character. These rewards for his effort should be determined only by those truly relevant qualities.
“Our immediate task is to remove the last remnants of the barriers which stand between millions of our citizens and their birthright. There is no justifiable reason for discrimination because of ancestry, or religion, or race, or color.
“We must not tolerate such limitations on the freedom of any of our people and on their enjoyment of basic rights which every citizen in a truly democratic society must possess.
“Every man should have the right to a decent home, the right to an education, the right to adequate medical care, the right to a worthwhile job, the right to an equal share in making the public decisions through the ballot, and the right to a fair trial in a fair court.
“We must insure that these rights—on equal terms—are enjoyed by every citizen.
“To these principles I pledge my full and continued support.
“Many of our people still suffer the indignity of insult, the narrowing fear of intimidation, and, I regret to say, the threat of physical injury and mob violence. Prejudice and intolerance in which these evils are rooted still exist. The conscience of our nation, and the legal machinery which enforces it, have not yet secured to each citizen full freedom from fear.
“We cannot wait another decade or another generation to remedy these evils. We must work, as never before, to cure them now. The aftermath of war and the desire to keep faith with our Nation’s historic principles make the need a pressing one.
“The support of desperate populations of battle-ravaged countries must be won for the free way of life. We must have them as allies in our continuing struggle for the peaceful solution of the world’s problems. They may surrender to the false security offered so temptingly by totalitarian regimes unless we can prove the superiority of democracy.
“Our case for democracy should be as strong as we can make it. It should rest on practical evidence that we have been able to put our own house in order.
“For these compelling reasons, we can no longer afford the luxury of a leisurely attack upon prejudice and discrimination. There is much that State and local governments can do in providing positive safeguards for civil rights. But we cannot, any longer, await the growth of a will to action in the slowest State or the most backward community.
“Our National Government must show the way.
“This is a difficult and complex undertaking. Federal laws and administrative machineries must be improved and expanded. We must provide the Government with better tools to do the job. As a first step, I appointed an Advisory Committee on Civil Rights last December. Its members, fifteen distinguished private citizens, have been surveying our civil rights difficulties and needs for several months. I am confident that the product of their work will be a sensible and vigorous program for action by all of us.
“We must strive to advance civil rights wherever it lies within our power. For example, I have asked the Congress to pass legislation extending basic civil rights to the people of Guam and American Samoa so that these people can share our ideals of freedom and self-government. This step, with others which will follow, is evidence to the rest of the world of our confidence in the ability of all men to build free institutions.
“The way ahead is not easy. We shall need all the wisdom, imagination and courage we can muster. We must and shall guarantee the civil rights of our citizens. Never before has the need been so urgent for skillful and vigorous action to bring us closer to our ideal.
“We can reach this goal. When past difficulties faced our Nation we met the challenge with inspiring charters of human rights -- the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution, the Bill of Rights, and the Emancipation Proclamation. Today our representatives and those of other liberty-loving countries on the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, are preparing an International Bill of Rights. We can be confident that it will be a great landmark in man’s long search for freedom since its members consist of such distinguished citizens of the world as Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt.
“With these noble charters to guide us, and with faith in our hearts, we shall make our land a happier home for our people, a symbol of hope for all men, and a rock of security in a troubled world.
“Abraham Lincoln understood so well the ideal which you and I seek today. As the conference closes we would do well to keep in mind his words, when he said:
“ ‘. . . if it shall please the Divine Being who determines the destinies of nations, we shall remain a united people, and we will humbly, seeking the Divine Guidance, make their prolonged national existence a source of new benefits to themselves and their successors, and to all classes and conditions of mankind. ’”[60]
Statement by the President Making Public a Report of the Civil Rights Committee, October 29 -- “The President’s Civil Rights Committee has just submitted its report. I am going to read and study this report with great care and I recommend to all my countrymen that they do the same thing.
“I created this Committee with a feeling of urgency. No sooner were we finished with the war than racial and religious intolerance began to appear and threaten the very things we had just fought for.
“In times past, when our American freedoms were threatened, groups of our citizens banded together and set out on paper the principles they felt would preserve freedom and the kinds of action that would defend freedom.
“The Declaration of Independence was that kind of document, and I notice that the title of this report is taken from the Declaration of Independence. I hope that this Committee has given us as broad a document as that—an American charter of human freedom in our time.
“The need for such a charter was never greater than at this moment. Men of good will everywhere are striving, under great difficulties, to create a worldwide moral order, firmly established in the life of nations. For us here in America, a new charter of human freedom will be a guide for action, and in the eyes of the world, it will be a declaration of our renewed faith in the American goal—the integrity of the individual human being, sustained by the moral consensus of the whole Nation, protected by a Government based on equal freedom under just laws.
“The members of this Committee are busy men and women. We all owe them a debt of gratitude. I feel I am speaking for all Americans when I thank them for their unselfish, devoted service. ”[61]
1948
Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union, January 7 – “I propose that we look ahead today toward those goals for the future which have the greatest bearing upon the foundations of our democracy and the happiness of our people.
“I do so, confident in the thought that with clear objective and with firm determination, we can, in the next ten years build upon the accomplishments of the past decade to achieve a glorious future. Year by year, beginning now, we must make a substantive part of this progress.
“Our first goal is to secure fully the essential human rights of our citizens.
“The United States has always had a deep concern for human rights. Religious freedom, free speech, and freedom of thought are cherished realties in our land. Any denial of human rights is a denial of the basic beliefs of democracy and of our regard for the worth of each individual.
“Today, however, some of our citizens are still denied equal opportunity for education, for jobs and economic advancement, and for the expression of their views at the polls. Most serious of all, some are denied equal protection under laws. Whether discrimination is based on race, or creed, or color, or land of origin, it is utterly contrary to American ideals of democracy.
“The recent report of the President’s Committee on Civil Rights points the way to corrective action by the Federal government and by State and local governments. Because of the need for effective Federal action, I shall send a special message to the Congress on this important subject.
“We should also consider our obligation to assure the fullest possible measure of civil rights to the people of our territories and possessions. I believe that the time has come for Alaska and Hawaii to be admitted to the Union as States.”
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
“We are determined that the productive resources of the Nation shall be used wisely and fully for the benefit of all.
We are determined that the democratic faith of our people and the strength of our resources shall contribute their full share to the attainment of enduring peace in the world. ”[62]
Special Message to Congress on Civil Rights, February 2 -- “In the State of the Union Message on January 7, 1948, I spoke of five great goals toward which we should strive in our constant effort to strengthen our democracy and improve the welfare of our people. The first of these is to secure fully our essential human rights. I am now presenting to the Congress my recommendations for legislation to carry us forward toward that goal.
“This Nation was founded by men and women who sought these shores so that they might enjoy greater freedom and greater opportunity than they had known before. The founders of the United States proclaimed to the world the American belief that all men are created equal, and that governments are instituted to secure the inalienable rights with which all men are endowed. In the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States, they eloquently expressed the aspirations of all mankind for equality and freedom.
“These ideals inspired the peoples of other lands, and their practical fulfillment made the United States the hope of the oppressed everywhere. Throughout our history men and women of all colors and creeds, of all races and religions, have come to this country to escape tyranny and discrimination. Millions strong, they have helped build this democratic Nation and have constantly reinforced our devotion to the great ideals of liberty and equality. With those who preceded them, they have helped to fashion and to strengthen our American faith—a faith that can be simply stated:
“We believe that all men are created equal and that they have the right to equal justice under the law.
“We believe that all men have the right to freedom of thought and of expression and the right to worship as they please.
“We believe that all men are entitled to equal opportunities for jobs, for homes, for good health, and for education.
“We believe that all men should have a voice in their government and that government should protect, not usurp, the rights of the people.
“These are the basic civil rights which are the source and the support of our democracy.
“Today the American people enjoy more freedom and opportunity than ever before. Never in our history has there been better reason to hope for the complete realization of the ideals of liberty and equality.
“We shall not, however, finally achieve the ideals for which this Nation was founded so long as any American suffers discrimination as a result of his race or religion, or color, or the land of origin if his forefathers.
“Unfortunately, there still are examples—flagrant examples—of discrimination which are utterly contrary to our ideals. Not all groups of our population are free from the fear of violence. Not all groups are free to live and work where they please or to improve their conditions of life by their own efforts. Not all groups enjoy the full privileges of citizenship and participation in the government under which they live.
“We cannot be satisfied until all our people have equal opportunities for jobs, for homes, for education, for health, and for political expression, and until all our people have equal protection under the law.
“One year ago I appointed a committee of fifteen distinguished Americans and asked them to appraise the condition of our civil rights and to recommend appropriate action by Federal, state and local governments.
“The committee’s appraisal has resulted in a frank and revealing report. This report emphasizes that our basic human freedoms are better cared for and more vigilantly defended than ever before. But, it also makes clear that there is a serious gap between our ideals and some of our practices. This gap must be closed.
“This will take the strong efforts of each of us individually, and all of us acting together through voluntary organizations and our governments.
“The protection of civil rights begins with the mutual respect for the rights of others which all of us should practice in our daily lives. Through organizations in every community—in all parts of the country—we must continue to develop practical, workable arrangements for achieving greater tolerance and brotherhood.
“The protection of our civil rights is the duty of every government which derives its powers from the consent of the people. This is equally true of local, state, and national governments. There is much that the states can and should do at this time to extend their protection of civil rights. Wherever the law enforcement measures of state and local governments are inadequate to discharge this primary function of government, these measures should be strengthened and improved.
“The Federal Government has a clear duty to see that Constitutional guarantees of individual liberties and of equal protection under the laws are not denied or abridged anywhere in our Union. That duty is shared by all three branches of the Government, but it can be fulfilled only if the Congress enacts modern, comprehensive civil rights laws, adequate to the needs of the day, and demonstrating our continuing faith in the free way of life.
“I recommend, therefore, that the Congress enact legislation at this session directed toward the following specific objectives:
“1. Establishing a permanent Commission on Civil Rights, a Joint Congressional Committee on Civil Rights and a Civil Rights Division in the Department of Justice.
“2. Strengthening existing civil rights statutes.
“3. Providing Federal protection against lynching.
“4. Protecting more adequately the right to vote.
“5. Establishing a Fair Employment Practice Commission to prevent unfair discrimination in employment.
“6. Prohibiting discrimination in interstate transportation facilities.
“7. Providing home rule and suffrage in Presidential elections for the residents of the District of Columbia.
“8. Providing Statehood for Hawaii and Alaska and a greater measure of self-government for our island possessions.
“9. Equalizing the opportunities for residents of the United States to become naturalized citizens.
“10. Settling the evacuation claims of Japanese-Americans.
Strengthening the Government Organization
“As a first step, we must strengthen the organization iof the Federal Government in order to enforce civil rights legislation more adequately and to watch over the state of our traditional liberties.
“I recommend that the Congress establish a permanent Commission on Civil Rights reporting to the President. The Commission should continuously review our civil rights policies and practices, study specific problems, and make recommendations to the President at frequent intervals. It should work with other agencies of the Federal Government, with state and local governments, and with private organizations.
“I also suggest that the Congress establish a Joint Congressional Committee on Civil Rights. This Committee should make a continuing stuydy of legislative matters relating to civil rights and should consider means of improving respect for and enforcement of those rights.
“These two bodies together should keep all of us continuously aware of the condition of civil rights in the United States and keep us alert to opportunities to improve their protection.
“To provide for better enforcement of Federal civil rights laws, there will be established a Division of Civil Rights in the Department of Justice. I recommend that the Congress provide for an additional Assistant Attorney General to supervise this Division.
Strengthening Existing Civil Rights Statutes
“I recommend that the Congress amend and strengthen the existing provisions of Federal law which safeguard the right to vote and the right to safely and security of person and property. These provisions are the basis for our present civil rights enforcement program.
“Section 51 of Title 18 of the United States Code, which now gives protection to citizens in the enjoyment of rights secured by the Constitution or Federal laws, needs to be strengthened in two respects. In its present form, this section protects persons only if they are citizens, and it affords protection only against conspiracies by two or more persons. This protection should be extended to all inhabitants of the United States, whether or not they are citizens, and should be afforded against infringement by persons acting individually as well as in conspiracy.
“Section 52 of Title 18 of the United States Code, which now gives general protection to individuals against the deprivation of Federally secured rights by public officers, has proved to be inadequate in some cases because of the generality of its language. An enumeration of the principal rights protected under this section is needed to make more definite and certain the protection which the section affords.
Federal Protection Against Lynching
“A specific Federal measure is needed to deal with the crime of lynching – against which I cannot speak too strongly. It is a principle of our democracy, written into our Constitution, that every person accused of an offense against the law shall have a fair, orderly trial in an impartial court. We have made great progress toward this end, but I regret that lynching has not yet finally disappeared from our land. So long as one person walks in fear of lynching, we shall not have achieved equal justice under law. I call upon the Congress to take decisive action against this crime.
Protecting the Right to Vote
“Under the Constitution, the right of all properly qualified citizens to vote is beyond question. Yet the exercise of this right is still subject to interference. Some individuals are prevented from voting by isolated acts of intimidation. Some whole groups are prevented by outmoded policies prevailing in certain states or communities.
“We need stronger statutory protection of the right to vote. I urge the Congress to enact legislation forbidding interference by public officers or private persons with the right of qualified citizens to participate in primary, special and general elections in which Federal officers are to be chosen. This legislation should extend to elections for state as well as Federal officers insofar as interference with the riht to vote results from discriminatory action by public officers based on race, color, or other unreasonable classification.
“Requirements for the payment of poll taxes also interfere with the right to vote. There are still seven states which, by their constitutions, place this barrier between their citizens and the ballot box. The American people would welcome voluntary action on the part of these states to remove this barrier, Nevertheless, I believe the Congress should enact measures insuring that the right to vote in elections for Federal officers shall not be contingent upon the payment of taxes.
“I wish to make it clear that the enactment of the measures I have recommend will in no sense result in Federal conduct of elections. They are designed to give qualified citizens Federal protection of their right to vote. The actual conduct of elections, as always, will remain the responsibility of State governments.
Fair Employment Practice Commission
“We in the United States believe that all men are entitled to equality of opportunity. Racial, religious and other invidious forms of discrimination deprive the individual of an equal chance to develop and utilize his talents and to enjoy the rewards of his efforts.
“Once more I repeat my request that the Congress enact fair employment practice legislation prohibiting discrimination in employment based on race, color, religion or national origin. The legislation should create a Fair Employment Practice Commission with authority to prevent discrimination by employers and labor unions, trade and professional associations, and government agencies and employment bureaus. The degree of effectiveness which the wartime Fair Employment Practice Committee attained shows that it is possible to equalize job opportunity by government action and thus to eliminate the influence of prejudice in employment.
Interstate Transportation
“The channels of interstate commerce should be open to all Americans on a basis of complete equality. The Supreme Court has recently declared unconstitutional state laws requiring segregation on public carriers in interstate travel. Company regulations must not be allowed to replace unconstitutional state laws. I urge the Congress to prohibit discrimination and segregation, in the use of interstate transportation facilities, but both public officers and the employees of private companies.
The District of Columbia
“I am in full accord with the principle of local self-government for residents of the District of Columbia. I believe that the Constitution sould be amended to extend suffrage in Presidential elections to the residents of the District.
“The District of Columbia should be a true symbol of American freedom and democracy for our own people, and for the people of the world. It is my earnest hope that the Congress will promptly give the citizens of the District of Columbia their own local elective government. They themselves can then deal with the inequalities arising from segregation in the schools and other public facilities, and from racial barriers to places of public accommodation which now exist for one-third of the District population.
“The present inequalities in essential services are primarily a problem for the District itself, but they are also of great concern to the whole Nation. Failing local corrective action in the near future, the Congress should enact a model civil rights law for the Nation’s Capital.
Our Territories and Possessions
“The present political status of our Territories and possessions impairs the enjoyment of civil rights by their residents. I have in the past recommended legislation granting statehood to Alaska and Hawaii, and organic acts for Guam and American Samoa including a grant iof citizenship to the people of these Pacific Islands. I repeat these recommendations. . . .
Equality in Naturalization
“All properly qualified legal residents of the United States should be allowed to become citizens without regard to race, color, religion or national origin. The Congress has recently removed the bars which formerly prevented persons from China, India and the Philippines from becoming naturalized citizens. I urge the Congress to remove the remaining racial or nationality barriers which stand in the way of citizenship for some residents of our country.
Evacuation Claims of the Japanese Americans
“During the last war more than one hundred thousand Japanese-Americans were evacuated from their homes in the Pacific states solely because of their racial origin. Many of these people suffered property and business losses as a result of this forced evacuation and through no fault of their own. The Congress has before it legislation establishing a procedure by which claims based upon these losses can be promptly considered and settled. I trust that favorable action on this legislation will soon be taken.
“The legislation I have recommended for enactment by Congress at the present session is a minimum program if the Federal Government is to fulfill its obligation of insuring the Constitutional guarantees of individual liberties and of equal protection under the law.
“Under the authority of existing law, the Executive branch is taking every possible action to improve the enforcement of the civil rights statutes and to eliminate discrimination in Federal employment, in providing Federal services and facilities, and in the armed forces.
“I have already referred to the establishment of the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice. The Federal Bureau of Investigation will work closely with the new Division in the investigation of Federal civil rights cases. Specialized training is being given to the Bureau’s agents so that they may render more effective service in this difficult field of law enforcement.
“It is the settled policy of the United States Government that there shall be no discrimination in Federal employment or in providing Federal services and facilities. Steady progress has been made toward this objective in recent years. I shall shortly issue an Executive Order containing a comprehensive restatement of the Federal non-discrimination policy together with appropriate measures to ensure compliance.
During the recent war and in the years since the close we have made much progress toward equality of opportunity in our armed services without regard to race, color, religion or national origin. I have instructed the Secretary of Defense to take steps to have the remaining instances of discrimination in the armed services eliminated as rapidly as possible. The personnel policies and practices of all the services in this regard will be made consistent.
I have instructed the Secretary of the Army to investigate the status of civil rights in the Panama Canal Zone with a view to eliminating such discrimination as may exist there. If legislation is necessary, I shall make appropriate recommendations to Congress.
The position of the United States in the world today makes it especially urgent that we adopt these measures to secure for all our people the essential rights.
“The peoples of the world are faced with the choice of freedom or enslavement, a choice between a form of government which harnesses the state in the services of the individual and a form of government which chains the individual in the needs of the state.
“We in the United States are working in company with other nations who share our desire for enduring world peace and who believe with us that, above all else, men must be free. We are striving to build a world family of nations – a world where men may live under governments of their own choosing and under laws of their own making.
“As a part of that endeavor, the Commission on Human Rights of the United Nations is now engaged in preparing an international bill of human rights by which the nations of the world may bind themselves by international covenant to give effect to basic human rights and fundamental freedoms. We have played a leading role in this undertaking designed to create a world order of law and justice fully protective of the rights and the dignity of the individual.
To be effective in these efforts, we must protect our civil rights so that by providing all our people with the maximum enjoyment of personal freedom and personal opportunity we shall be a stronger nation—stronger in our leadership, stronger in our moral position, stronger in the deeper satisfactions of a united citizenry.
“We know that our democracy is not perfect. But we do know that it offers a freer, happier life to our people than any totalitarian nation has ever offered.
“If we wish to inspire the peoples of the world whose freedom is in jeopardy, if we wish to restore hope to those who have already lost their civil liberties, if we wish to fulfill the promise that is ours, we must correct the remaining imperfections in our practice of democracy.
“We know the way. We need only the will. ”[63]
Letter to Walter White, February 4 – “Dear Walter: Thanks very much for your telegram of the second.
“The objective, of course, is to implement a program of justice and fairness from the ground up and that is as much a matter of education as of legislation.
“The program which I sent to the Congress is the minimum one from a legislative standpoint but, un less we educate our people of all colors to live and get along together, all the laws in the world will not work as the Fourteenth Amendment has simply proven.
Sincerely yours,
Harry S. Truman[64]
Regarding Democratic Party Civil Rights Plank Adopted by the Convention on July 14, from Memoirs – To me, party platforms are contracts with the people, and I always looked upon them as agreements that had to be carried out. That is why I was perfectly willing to risk defeat in 1948 by sticking to the civil rights plank in my platform.
“There were people around me, of course, who were anxious to prevent any sort of split in the Democratic Party, and efforts were made to soften the approach to the civil rights issue. I would not stand for any double talk on this vital principle, however, and insisted on plain language being used. Members of the Cabinet and others warned me that I was riding to defeat if I stuck to my FEPC orders and if I did not let up on the battle for civil rights legislation. But I wanted to win the fight by standing on my platform, or lose it the same way. ”[65]
Democratic Party Platform of 1948, issued July 12—“The Democratic Party adopts this platform in the conviction that the destiny of the United States is to provide leadership in the world toward a realization of the Four Freedoms.
“We chart our future course as we charted our course under the leadership of Franklin D. Roosevelt and Harry S. Truman in the abiding belief that democracy—when dedicated to the service of all and not to a privileged few—proves its superiority over all other forms of government.
“Our party record of the past is assurance of its policies and performance in the future.
“Ours is the party which was entrusted with responsibility when twelve years of Republican neglect had blighted the hopes of mankind, had squandered the fruits of prosperity, and had plunged us into the depths of depression and despair.
“Ours is the party which rebuilt a shattered economy, rescued our banking system, revived our agriculture, reinvigorated our industry, gave labor strength and security and led the American people to the broadest prosperity in our history.
“Ours is the party which introduced the spirit of humanity into our law, as we outlawed child labor and the sweatshop, insured bank deposits, protected millions of home owners and farmers from foreclosure, and established national social security.
“Ours is the party under which this nation before Pearl Harbor gave aid and strength to those countries which were holding back the Nazi and Fascist tide.
“Ours is the party which stood at the helm and led the nation to victory in the war.
“Ours is the party which, during the war, prepared for peace so well that when peace came, reconversion promptly led to the greatest production and employment in this nation’s life….
“We reject the principle—which we have always rejected, but which the Republican 80th Congress enthusiastically accepted—that government exists for the benefit of the privileged few.
“To serve the interests of all and not the few, to assure a world in which peace and justice can prevail; to achieve security, full production, and full employment—this is our platform….
“Our Domestic Policies.
…
“We shall enact comprehensive housing legislation, including provisions for slum clearance and low rent housing projects initiated by local agencies. This nation is shamed by the failure of the 80th Congress to pass the vitally needed general housing legislation as recommended by the President. Adequate housing will end the need for rent control. Until then, it must be continued….
“We advocate the repeal of the Taft-Hartley Act. It was enacted by the Republican 80th Congress over the President’s veto. That act was proposed with the promise that it would secure ‘the legitimate rights of both employees and employers in their relations affecting commerce. ’ It has failed. The number of labor-management disputes has increased. The number of cases before the National Labor Relations Board has more than doubled since the Act was passed, and efficient and prompt administration is becoming more and more difficult. It has encouraged litigation in labor disputes and undermined the established American policy of collective bargaining. Recent decisions by the courts prove that the Act was so poorly drawn that its application is uncertain, and that it is probably, in some provisions, unconstitutional…
“We urge that the Department of Labor be rebuilt and strengthened, restoring to it the units, including the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service and the United States Employment Service, which properly belong to it, and which the Republican 80th Congress stripped from it over the veto of President Truman. We urge that the Department’s facilities for collecting and disseminating economic information be expanded, and that a Labor Education Extension Service be established in the Department of Labor….
“The Democratic Party is responsible for the great civil rights gains made in recent years in eliminating unfair and illegal discrimination based on race, creed or color.
“The Democratic Party commits itself to continuing its efforts to eradicate all racial, religious, and economic discrimination.
“We again state our belief that racial and religious minorities must have the right to live, the right to work, the right to vote, the full and equal protection of the laws, on a basis of equality with all citizens as guaranteed by the Constitution.
“We highly commend President Harry S. Truman for his courageous stand on the issue of civil rights.
“We call upon the Congress to support our President in guaranteeing these basic and fundamental American principles: (1) the right of full and equal political participation; (2) the right to equal opportunity of employment; (3) the right of security of person; and (4) the right of equal treatment in the service and defense of our nation…”[66]
Executive Order 9980—Regulations Governing Fair Employment Practices Within the Federal Establishment, July 26—“WHEREAS the principles on which our Government is based require a policy of fair employment throughout the Federal establishment, without discrimination because of race, color, religion or national origin; and
“WHEREAS it is desirable and in the public interest that all steps be taken necessarily to insure that this long-established policy shall be more effectively carried out;
“NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, by the Constitution and the laws of the United States, it is hereby ordered as follows:
“1. All personnel actions taken by Federal appointing officers shall be based solely on merit and fitness; and such officers are authorized and directed to take appropriate actions to insure that in all such actions there shall be no discrimination because of race, color, religion, or national origin.
“2. The head of each department in the executive branch of the Government shall be personally responsible for an effective program to insure that fair employment policies are fully observed in all personnel actions within his department.
“3. The head of each department shall designate an official thereof as Fair Employment Officer. Such Officer shall be given full operating responsibility, under the immediate supervision of the department head, for carrying out the fair employment policy herein stated. Notice of the appointment of such Officer shall be given to all officers and employees of the department. The Fair Employment Officer shall, among other things:
(a)Appraise the personnel actions of the department at regular intervals to determine their conformity to the fair employment policy expressed in this order.
(b)Receive complaints or appeals concerning personnel actions taken in the department on grounds of alleged discrimination because of their race, color, religion, or national origin.
(c) Appoint such central or regional deputies, committees, or hearing boards, from about the officers or employees of the department, as he may find necessary or desirable on a temporary or permanent basis to investigate, or to receive, complaints of discrimination.
(d)Take necessary corrective or disciplinary action, in consultation with, or on the basis of delegated authority from, the head of the department.
“4. The findings or action of the Fair Employment Officer shall be subject to direct appeal to the head of the department. The decision of the head of the department on such appeal shall be subject to appeal to the Fair Employment Board of the Civil Service Commission, hereinafter provided for.
“5. There shall be established in the Civil Service Commission a Fair Employment Board (hereinafter referred to as the Board) of not less than seven persons, the members of which shall be officers or employees of the Commission. The Board shall:
(a)Have authority to review decisions made by the head of any department which are appealed pursuant to the provisions of this order, or referred to the Board by the head of the department for advice, and to make recommendations to such head. In any instance in which the recommendation of the Board is not promptly and fully carried out, the case shall be reported by the Board to the President, for such action as he finds necessary.
(b)Make rules and regulations, in consultation with the Civil Service Commission, deemed necessary to carry out the Board’s duties and responsibilities under this Order.
(c)Advise all departments on problems and policies relating to fair employment.
(d)Disseminate information pertinent to fair employment programs.
(e)Coordinate the fair employment policies and procedures of the several departments.
(f)Make reports and submit recommendations to the Civil Service Commission for transmittal to the President from time to time, as may be necessary for the maintenance of the fair employment program.
“6. All departments are directed to furnish to the Board all information needed for the review of personnel actions or for the compilation of reports.
“7. The term ‘department’ as used herein shall refer to all departments and agencies of the executive branch of the Government, including the Civil Service Commission. The term ‘personnel action,’ as used herein, shall include failure to act. Persons failing of appointment who allege a grievance relating to discrimination shall be entitled to the remedies herein provided.
“8. The means of relief provided by this order shall be supplemental to those provided by existing statutes, Executive Orders, and regulations. The Civil Service Commission shall have authority, in consultation with the Board, to make such additional regulations, and to amend existing regulations, in such manner as may be found necessary or desirable to carry out the purposes of this order. ”[67]
Executive Order 9981—Establishing the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, July 26—“WHEREAS it is essential that there be maintained in the armed services of the United States the highest standards of democracy, with equality of treatment and opportunity for all those who serve in our country’s defense:
“NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, by the Constitution and the statutes of the United States, and as Commander-in-Chief of the armed services, it is hereby ordered as follows:
“1. It is hereby declared to be the policy of the President that there shall be equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services without regard to race, color, religion, or national origin. This policy shall be put into effect as rapidly as possible, having due regard to the time required to effectuate any necessary changes without impairing efficiency or morale.
“2. There shall be created in the national Military Establishment an advisory committee to be known as the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, which shall be composed of seven members to be designated by the President.
“3. The Committee is authorized on behalf of the President to examine into the rules, procedures and practices of the armed services in order to determine in what respect such rules procedures and practices may be altered or improved with a view to carrying out the policy of this order. The Committee shall confer and advise with the Secretary of Defense, the Secretary of the Army, the Secretary of the Navy, and the Secretary of the Air Force, and shall make such recommendations to the President and to said Secretaries as in the judgment of the Committee will effectuate the policy hereof.
“4. All executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government are authorized and directed to cooperate with the Committee in its work and to furnish the Committee such information or the services of such persons as the Committee may require in the performance of its duties.
“5. When requested by the Committee to do so, persons in the armed services or in any of the executive departments and agencies of the Federal Government shall testify before the committee and shall make available for the use of the Committee such documents and other information as the Committee may require.
“6. The Committee shall continue to exist until such time as the President shall terminate its existence by Executive order. ”[68]
Letter to Ernest W. Roberts, August 18—“Dear Ernie:
“I appreciated very much your letter of last Saturday night from Hotel Temple Square in the Mormon Capital. [69]
“I am going to send you a copy of the report of my Commission on Civil Rights and then if you still have that antebellum proslavery outlook, I’ll be thoroughly disappointed in you.
“The main difficulty with the South is that they are living eighty years behind the times and the sooner they come out of it the better it will be for the country and themselves. I am not asking for social equality, because no such thing exists, but I am asking for equality of opportunity for all human beings and, as long as I stay here, I am going to continue that fight. When the mob gangs can take four people out and shoot them in the back, and everybody in the country is acquainted with who did the shooting and nothing is done about it, that country is in a pretty bad fix from a law enforcement standpoint. [70]
“When a Mayor and a City Marshal can take a negro [sic] Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out one of his eyes,[71] and nothing is done about it by the State Authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.
“On the Louisiana and Arkansas Railway when coal-burning locomotives were used, the negro [sic] firemen were the thing because it was a back-breaking job and a dirty one. As soon as they turned to oil as a fuel, it became customary for people to take shots at the Negro [sic] firemen and a number were murdered because it was thought that this was now a white collar job and should go to a white man. [72] I can’t approve of such goings on and I shall never approve it, as long as I am here, as I told you before. I am going to try to remedy it and if that ends up in my failure to be re-elected, that failure will be in a good cause.
“I know you haven’t thought this thing through and that you do not know the facts. I am happy, however, that you wrote me because it gives me a chance to tell you what the facts are…
“This is a personal & confidential communication and I hope you’ll regard it that way—at least until I’ve made a public statement on this subject—as I expect to do in the South[emphasis in the original]. ”[73]
Address to the Ministerial Alliance of Harlem, New York [sic][74], Upon Receiving the Franklin Roosevelt Award, October 29—“Dr. Johnson, and members of the Ministerial Alliance which has given me this award:
“I am exceedingly grateful for it. I hope I shall always deserve it. This, in my mind, is a most solemn occasion. It’s made a tremendous impression upon me.
“Franklin Roosevelt was a great champion of human rights. When he led us out of the Depression to the victory over the Axis, he enabled us to build a country in which prosperity and freedom must exist side by side. This is the only atmosphere in which human rights can thrive.
“Eventually we are going to have an America in which freedom and opportunity are the same for everyone. There is only one way to accomplish that great purpose, and that is to keep working for it and never take a backward step.
“I am especially glad to receive the Franklin Roosevelt Award on this day—October 29. This date means a great deal to me personally, and it is a significant date in the history of human freedom in this country.
“One year ago today, on October 29, 1947, the President’s Committee on Civil Rights submitted to me, and to the American people, its momentous report.
“That report was drawn up by men and women who had the honesty to face the whole problem of civil rights squarely, and the courage to state their conclusions frankly.
“I created the Civil Rights Committee because racial and religious intolerance began to appear after World War II. They threatened the very freedoms we had fought to save.
“We Americans have a democratic way of acting when our freedoms are threatened.
“We get the most thoughtful and representative men and women we can find, and we ask them put down on paper the principles that represent freedom and a method of action that will preserve and extend that freedom. In that manner, we get a declaration of purpose and a guide for action that the whole country can consider.
“That is the way in which the Declaration of Independence was drawn up.
“That is the way in which the Constitution of the United States was written.
“The report that the Civil Rights Committee prepared is in the tradition of these great documents.
“It was the authors of the Declaration of Independence who stated the principle that all men are created equal in their rights, and that it is to secure these rights that governments are instituted among men.
“It was the authors of the Constitution who made it clear that, under our form of government, all citizens are equal before the law, and that the Federal Government has a duty to guarantee to every citizen equal protection of the laws.
“The Civil Rights Committee did more than repeat these great principles. It described a method to put these principles into action, and to make them a living reality for every American, regardless of his race, his religion, or his national origin.
“When every American knows that his rights and his opportunities are fully protected and respected by the Federal, State, and local governments, then we will have the kind of unity that really means something.
“It is easy to talk of unity. But it is the work that is done for unity that really counts.
“The job that the Civil Rights Committee did was to tell the American people how to create the kind of freedom that we need in this country.
“The Civil Rights Committee described the kind of freedom that comes when every man has an equal chance for a job—not just the hot and heavy job—but the best job he is qualified for.
“The Committee described the kind of freedom that comes when every American boy and girl has an equal chance for an education.
“The Committee described the kind of freedom that comes when every citizen has an equal opportunity to go to the ballot box and cast his vote and have it counted.
“The Committee described the kind of freedom that comes when every man, woman, and child is free from the fear of mob violence and intimidation.
“When we have that kind of freedom, we will face the evil forces that are abroad in the world—whatever or wherever they may be—with the strength that comes from complete confidence in one another and from complete faith in the working of our own democracy.
One of the great things that the Civil Rights Committee did for the country was to get every American to think seriously about the principles that make our country great.
“More than 1 million copies of the full text of the civil rights report have been printed in books and newspapers.
“More than 30 different pamphlets based on the report have been printed and distributed by private organizations.
“Millions of Americans have heard the report discussed on the radio.
“In making the recommendations, the Civil Rights Committee did not limit itself to action by the President or by the executive branch. The Committee’s recommendations included action by every branch of the Federal Government, by State and local governments, and by private organizations and by individuals.
“That is why it is so important that the Civil Rights Committee’s report be studied widely. For in the last analysis, freedom resides in the actions of each individual. That is the reason I like to hear that scriptural reading from the Gospel according to St. Luke. That’s just exactly what it means. It means you and I must act out what we say in our Constitution and our Bill or Rights. It is in his mind and heart – and to his mind and heart -- that we must eventually speak to the individual.
“After the Civil Rights Committee submitted its report, I asked Congress to do ten of the things recommended by the Committee.
“You know what they did about that.
“So I went ahead and did what the President can do, unaided by the Congress.
“I issued two Executive Orders.
“One of them established the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services.
“The other one covered regulations governing fair employment practices within the Federal establishment.
“In addition to that, the Department of Justice went into the Supreme Court and aided in getting a decision outlawing restrictive covenants. [75]
“Several states and municipalities have taken action on the recommendations of the Civil Rights Committee, and I hope more will follow after them.
“Today the democratic way of life is being challenged all over the world. Democracy’s answer to the challenge of totalitarianism is its promise of equal rights and equal opportunity for all mankind.
“The fulfillment of this promise is among the highest purposes of government.
“Our determination to attain the goal of equal rights and equal opportunity must be resolute and unwavering.
“For my part, I intend to keep moving toward this goal with every ounce of strength and determination that I have. ”[76]
1949
Proclamation, 2824 – National Freedom Day, January 25 – “Whereas, near the end of the tragic conflict between the Northern and Southern States, the Congress adopted a joint resolution proposing an amendment to the Constitution which would outlaw slavery in the United States and in every place subject to its jurisdiction; and
“Whereas the resolution was signed by President Lincoln on February 1, 1865, and thereafter led to the adoption of the Thirteenth Amendment to the constitution; and
“Whereas that Amendment is a corner stone in the foundation of our American traditions, and the signing of the resolution is a landmark in the Nation's effort to fulfill the principles of freedom and justice proclaimed in the first ten amendments to the Constitution; and
“Whereas, by a joint resolution approved June 30, 1948 (62 Stat. 1150), the Congress authorized the President to proclaim the first day of February of each year as National Freedom Day in commemoration of the signing of the resolution of February 1, 1865; and
“Whereas the Government and people of the United States wholeheartedly support the Universal Declaration of Human Rights approved by the General Assembly of the United Nations on December 10, 1948, which declares that ‘recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world"
“Now, Therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, President of the United States of America, do hereby designate February 1, 1949, and each succeeding February 1, as national Freedom Day; and I call upon the people of the United States to pause on that day in solemn contemplation of the glorious blessings of freedom which we humbly and thankfully enjoy. ”[77]
Address at the Annual Meeting of the National Council of Negro Women, Inc. , November 15 – “Thank you, Congressman [William L. ] Dawson. It is a pleasure to be introduced by a Congressman with whom I have worked so closely, and who is a real friend to all of us.
“Mrs. Bethune, Madame [Vijaya Lakshmi] Pandit, Dr [Ralph] Bunche, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:
“I am glad to be here with you tonight and to join with you in this observance of the fourth anniversary of the United Nations.
“I note also that this is the 14th annual meeting of the National Council of Women, and the last convention at which the founder-president, Mrs. Bethune, will preside.
“A significant feature of your conventions for many years has been an evening devoted to the furtherance of international good will and understanding. This was true when the United Nations was in its formative stage during the proceedings at Dumbarton Oaks, and again at the time of the San Francisco meeting when the United Nations Charter was adopted.
“Here in the United States, we have a special reason for the close and sympathetic interest with which we have followed the growth of the United Nations. In the early years of our own Federal Union, the separate States found it necessary to unite for mutual defense and the promotion of the common welfare. That was a hard task because local pride and local patriotism had led to the formation of regional blocs. Nevertheless, out of that first loose confederation of States our present Federal Union emerged, with a Constitution which has stood the test of time and has proved to be the instrument by which we have achieved the greatest welfare for the common man the world has ever seen.
“We are too apt to forget how long it took, and how difficult it was, to get the States to unite in the United States as we know it now. Let us not be too impatient at the seemingly slow progress we are now making toward the goal of world peace – a goal which, despite all difficulties, we shall certainly attain.
“In the course of time, I am sure that the same patience, the same tolerance, and the same respect for individual differences that enabled the thirteen States to become the United States of America, will lead to the fulfillment of the ideals expressed in the United Nations Charter.
“I am confident that the United Nations will grow to the point where national interests will be harmonized in a drive toward the great objectives of lasting peace and prosperity for all mankind.
“While the individual members of the United Nations are working to compose their differences by the peaceful processes of conciliation and negotiation, they are also moving vigorously toward the fulfillment of ideals which are deeply rooted in our own American history and tradition. Our own founding fathers were deeply concerned with the preservation of individual liberties under the Federal Union. The United Nations Commission on Human Rights has formulated these principles in a great document which can apply to all the people of the earth – the Declaration of Human Rights.
“The American people have had a traditional policy for the administration of territories of the world not yet ready for self government. From the beginning, we have adopted the view that such territories as came into our possession were held by us as trustees, and that it was our duty to develop their economies and their political institutions to the point where their peoples, if they so desired, would be able to enter the family of nations on a basis of equal partnership.
“No other great nation in the history of the world has done such a thing as that.
“We welcome the recognition of this principle in the United Nations Charter, and are deeply interested in the encouragement it has provided to the political aspirations of many peoples. The great movement toward self-government, which is now going forward in many territories under United Nations auspices, is symbolized tonight by the presence of the United Nations Director of Trusteeship, Dr. Ralph Bunche.
“The United Nations is already receiving new strength from lands where peoples have achieved self-government under democratic institutions. The Government of India is already playing a leading role among the new nations of Asia, and I am delighted to see here tonight the gracious Ambassador of India, Madame Pandit.
“Political independence has little meaning if it is not accompanied by a full economic development. There are vast areas of the world today where whole populations do not have the bare necessities of life, even though their countries are rich in natural resources. Such countries need capital for economic development, and they need the benefits of modern technology and engineering. These needs cannot be met by the old colonialism with its fostering of political dependency and its economic exploitation. The economic growth of these underdeveloped areas must and will move forward in the interest of the peoples of those areas, and in accordance with the principles of democratic fair dealing. Such forward movement will serve not only the best interest of the more highly developed countries, but it will also serve the common interest of all nations in the continual improvement of the living standards of mankind. In these great enterprises, I know we shall have the continued support of the National Council of Negro Women.
“Fourteen years ago, this organization was founded by Mrs. Mary McLeod Bethune, who is retiring this year. I am sure that Mrs. Bethune’s retirement as president of this organization will not mean her retirement from public life. That is something we should all hate to see. She brought to the National Youth Administration a conviction that its program much reach all young people regardless of race, religion, or color. She has been in the forefront of those who worked for better housing and for larger employment opportunities through improved training and through the extension of fair employment practices. Mrs. Bethune remained until recently the president of a unique educational institution, Bethune-Cookman College, which she founded and developed to serve Negro youth, and which stands as a monument to her vision, her energy, and her faith.
“All of us who are here tonight have a deep interest in that great enterprise – the extension of freedom and opportunity to all our citizens without racial or religious discrimination. The people of this country have made, and we are making, progress in this cause. We are awakened as never before to the true meaning of equality – equality in the economic world. We are going to continue to advance in our program of bringing equal rights and equal opportunity to all citizens. In that great cause there is no retreat and no retirement, and I know Mrs. Bethune is going to stand by me as she has from the beginning.
“Mrs. Bethune, as you retire from the presidency of this organization, I join with your members in thanking you for your leadership, which will forever be an inspiration to those who seek to carry forward the noble purposes to which your life has been devoted. [78]
1950
Budget Message, January 15 --
Remarks of the President to Members of the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization, January 17—“You don’t need to make that speech to me,[79] it needs to be made to Senators and Congressmen. Every effort is being made by the executive branch of the Government to get action on these measures. I have been working at them ever since I went to Congress. I went there in 1935, and that is a long time ago.
“We have made some progress. We haven’t made enough. We hope to make more. The passage of the resolution by the Rules Committee of the House the other day is a blow that is serious and backward looking. I am doing everything possible to have that motion beaten when it comes up for consideration on the floor of the House. Every effort is being made to get a vote on these measures in the Senate. The leader of the majority[80] and the Vice President[81] have assured me that they will eventually get a vote, if it takes all summer.
“I hope that when that vote is taken we will be in a better position to understand who our friends are, and who are not.
“This is a serious situation. This civil rights program, which I have sent to the Congress on every occasion that it has been possible to send it, is one that is necessary, if we are going to maintain our leadership in the world. We can’t go on not doing the things that we are asking other people to do in the United Nations.
“I hope all of you will continue your hard work on the subject, and that you will make it perfectly plain to the Senators and Congressmen who represent your States and districts that action is what we want, and I think that is possibly the only way we can get action. ”[82]
President’s Statement in Response to the Report of the Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, May 22—“I have just received the report of the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services. For the past two years, this Committee has been working quietly to find ways and means to bring about true equality of opportunity for everyone in military service.
“I have followed its work closely, and I know that it has probed deeply into the problem, which is not a simple one, and has been careful to keep uppermost the need for military efficiency.
“As the Committee explored personnel practices in the armed services, the members of the staff worked in the closest possible consultation with the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. In fact, the consultation was so close and continuous that the Committee’s recommendations grew naturally out of the joint discussions. The services have accepted all of the Committee’s recommendations.
“It is, therefore, with a great deal of confidence that I learn from the Committee that the present programs of the three services are designed to accomplish the objectives of the President, and that as these programs are carried out, there will be, within the reasonably near future, equality of treatment and opportunity for all persons in the armed services, with a consequent improvement in military efficiency.
“I attach the highest importance to this Committee’s assignment. In the Committee’s own words, equality of treatment and opportunity in the armed services is right, is just, and it will strengthen the Nation. That is true throughout our entire national life.
“Today, the free people of the world are looking to us for the moral leadership that will unite them in a common purpose. The free nations of the world are counting on our strength to sustain them as they mobilize their energies to resist Communist imperialism.
“We have accepted these responsibilities gladly and freely. We shall meet them with the sure knowledge that we can move forward in the solution of our own problems in accordance with the noblest of our national ideals—the belief that all men are created equal.
“Judge Fahy[83] and the members of his Committee have been unsparing in the time and energy they have devoted to their mission. Every American who believes sincerely in the language of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence owes them a debt of gratitude.
“This report is submitted as the United States Senate is considering a motion to take up a fair employment practices bill. The work of the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services shows what can be accomplished by a commission in this admittedly difficult field. I hope the Senate will take this report into consideration as it debates the merits of FEPC, and that, as I urged in my State of the Union Message in January, it will permit this important measure to come to a vote. ”[84]
1951
Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Requiring Segregation in Certain Schools on Federal Property, November 2—“I am withholding my approval of H. R. 5411, a bill to amend Public Laws No. 815 and 874 of the 81st Congress with respect to schools in critical defense housing areas and for other purposes.
“The basic purpose of this bill is meritorious. It would provide for the construction, maintenance, and operation of elementary and secondary schools in those localities where defense activities of the Federal Government have created unusual burdens. Thus, the bill would complete the plan of Federal assistance now operating under the Defense Housing and Community Facilities and Services Act of September 1951. In addition, it contains perfecting amendments which would improve the administration of an established program supporting the operation of local school facilities where they are inadequate to meet the impact of expanded defense activities.
“Unfortunately, however, the Congress has included one provision in this bill which I cannot approve. This provision would require a group of schools on Federal property which are now operating successfully on an integrated level to be segregated. It would do so by requiring Federal schools on military bases and other Federal property to conform to the laws of the States in which such installations are located. This is a departure from the provisions of Public Laws 815 and 874, which required only that the education provided under these circumstances should be comparable to the education available to other children in the State. The purpose of the proposed change is clearly to require that schools operated solely by the Federal Government on Federally-owned land, if located in any of seventeen States, shall be operated on a segregated basis ‘to the maximum extent practicable. ’
“This proposal, if enacted into law, would constitute a backward step in the efforts of the Federal Government to extend equal rights and opportunities to all our people. During the past few years, we have made rapid progress toward equal treatment and opportunity in those activities of the Federal Government where we have a direct responsibility to follow national rather than local interpretations of non-discrimination. Two outstanding examples are the Federal civil service and our armed forces, where important advances have been made toward equalizing treatment and opportunity.
“Not every school operated on a Federal reservation has been integrated. It is never our purpose to insist on integration without considering pertinent local factors, but it is the duty of the Federal Government to move forward in such locations and in such fields of activity as seem best and appropriate under individual conditions and circumstances.
“We have assumed a role of world leadership in seeking to unite people of great cultural and racial diversity for the purpose of resisting aggression, protecting their mutual security and advancing their own economic and political development. We should not impair our moral position by enacting a law that requires a discrimination based on race. Step by step we are discarding old discriminations, we must not adopt new ones.
“I believe the way is open for an effective administration of Public Laws 815 and 874 of the 81st Congress, while the present Congress reconsiders the full implications of the amendments proposed in H. R. 5411. The objectionable provision was added during the closing days of the first session without the careful consideration necessary for such an important departure from national policy. I hope the Congress early in the next session will reconsider this matter carefully and will re-enact legislation to provide the school aid urgently required in critical defense housing areas without the objectionable provision of H. R. 5411. ”[85]
Statement by the President on Establishing the Committee on Government Contract Compliance, December 3 – “I have today signed an Executive order creating the Committee on Government Contract Compliance. [86]
“The purpose of this order is to secure better compliance by contractors and sub-contractors with certain provisions now required in their contracts with the U. S. Government. For nearly 10 years it has been mandatory to include in such contracts a clause obligating the contractor to practice nondiscrimination in the performance of his contract. The clause specifically forbids discrimination because of race, creed, color, or national origin; relates to the various aspects of employment; and extends to sub-contracts as well as to original contracts.
“The inclusion of this nondiscrimination clause in Government contracts has been helpful in reducing the practice of discrimination. In the past, however, compliance has not been secured by any system of uniform regulation or inspection, common to all the contracting agencies of the Federal Government, and widely understood by contractors and their employees.
“The present order is designed to correct this deficiency. It places the primary responsibility for securing compliance with the nondiscrimination clause with the head of each contracting agency of the Federal Government. This is as it should be, for this is where the primary responsibility rests for securing compliance with contractual provisions generally. The same means used to obtain compliance generally can be used by the contracting agencies to obtain compliance with the nondiscrimination clause. The Committee will be expected to examine and study the compliance procedures now in use and to recommend to the department and agency heads chances that will strengthen them. As part of its functions, the Committee may confer with interested persons. Recommendations of this Committee are subject to review under certain conditions by the Director of Defense Mobilization, so that our efforts towards eliminating discrimination in employment will at all times aid in increasing defense production.
“The creation of the Committee on Government Contract Compliance is one more step in the program I have undertaken to use the powers conferred on the Executive by the Constitution and the statutes to eliminate the practice of discrimination in connection with activities of the Federal Government. The Fair Employment Board of the Civil Service Commission carries this responsibility with respect to the Federal Government as an employer. The President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services pointed the way toward ending discrimination in our fighting forces. In fulfilling a contract with the Federal Government a contractor should follow the national policy of equal treatment and opportunity. It is my hope and my belief that the Committee on Government Contract Compliance will show us the way. ”[87]
Executive Order 10308—Improving the Means for Obtaining Compliance with the Nondiscrimination Provisions of Federal Contracts, December 3—“WHEREAS existing Executive Orders require the contracting agencies of the United States Government to include in their contracts a provisions obligating the contractor not to discriminate against any employee or applicant for employment because of race, color, creed or national origin and obligating him to include a similar provision in all subcontracts; and
“WHEREAS it is necessary and desirable to improve the means for obtaining compliance with such nondiscrimination provisions;
“NOW, THEREFORE, by virtue of the authority vested in me by the Constitution and statutes, and as President of the United States, including the authority conferred by the Defense Production Act of 1950, as amended, and pursuant to the authority conferred by and subject to the provisions of section 214 of the act of May 3, 1945, 59 Stat. 134 (31 U. S. C. 691), it is ordered as follows:
“SECTION 1. The head of each contracting agency of the Government of the United States shall be primarily responsible for obtaining compliance by any contractor or subcontractor with the said nondiscrimination provisions of any contract ordered into, amended, or modified by his agency and of any subcontract thereunder, and shall take appropriate measures to bring about the said compliance.
“SEC. 2. There is hereby established the Committee on Government Contract Compliance, hereinafter referred to as the Committee. The Committee shall be composed of eleven members as follows:
(a)One representative of each of the following named agencies (hereinafter referred to as the participating agencies: The Department of Defense, the Department of Labor, the Atomic Energy Commission, the General Services Administration, and the Defense Materials Procurement Agency.
(b)Six other members, who shall be designated by the President.
“The Committee shall have a chairman and a vice-chairman, both of whom shall be designated by the President from among its members.
“SEC. 3. The Committee is authorized on behalf of the President to examine and study the rules, procedures, and practices of the contracting agencies of the Government as they relate to obtaining compliance with Government contract provisions prohibiting the discrimination referred to above in order to determine in what respects such rules, procedures, and practices may be strengthened and improved. The Committee shall confer and advise with the appropriate officers of the various contracting agencies and with other persons concerned with a view toward the prevention and elimination of such discrimination, and may make to the said officers recommendations which in the judgment of the Committee will prevent or eliminate discrimination. When deemed necessary by the Committee it may submit any of these recommendations of the Director of Defense Mobilization, and the Director shall, when he deems it appropriate, forward such recommendations to the President, accompanied by the statement of his views as to the relationship thereof to the mobilization effort. The Committee shall establish such rules as may be necessary for the performance of its functions under this order.
“SEC. 4. All contracting agencies of the Government are authorized and directed to cooperate with the Committee and to the extent permitted by law, to furnish the Committee such information and assistance as it may require in the performance of its functions under this order. The participating agencies shall defray such necessary expenses of the Committee as may be authorized by law, including section 214 of the act of May 3, 1945, 59 Stat. 134 (31U. SC. 691). ”[88]
1952
President’s Commencement Address at Howard University, June 13—“I wish I could say to you who are graduating today that no opportunity to use your skills and knowledge would ever be denied you. I can say this: I know what it means not to have opportunity. I wasn’t able to go to college at all. I had to stay at home and work on the family farm. You have been able to get the college education that is so important to everyone in this country. Some of us are denied opportunity for economic reasons. Others are denied opportunity because of racial prejudice and discrimination. I want to see things worked out so that everyone who is capable of it receives a good education. I want to see everyone have a chance to put his education to good use, without unfair discrimination.
“Our country is founded on the proposition that all men are created equal. This means that they should be equal before the law. They should enjoy equal political rights. And they should have equal opportunities for education, employment, and decent living conditions. This is our belief, and we know it is right. We know it is morally right. And we have proved, by experience, that the more we practice this belief, the stronger, more vigorous, and happier our Nation becomes.
“That is why, six years ago, I created the President’s Committee on Civil Rights. Nearly five years have passed since this Committee made its report to me and to the whole American people. Today, I want to talk about some of the progress that has been made in those five years.
“Back in 1947, a good many people advised me not to raise this whole question of civil rights. They said it would only make things worse. But you can’t cure a moral problem, or a social problem, by ignoring it.
“It is no service to the country to turn away from the hard problems—to ignore injustice and human suffering. It is simply not the American way of doing things. Of course, there are always a lot of people whose motto is ‘Don’t rock the boat. ’ They are so afraid of rocking the boat that they stop rowing. We can never get ahead that way. We can only drift with the current and finally go over the falls into oblivion with nothing accomplished.
“If something is wrong, the thing to do is to dig it out, find why it is wrong, and take sensible steps to put it right. We are all Americans together, and we can solve our hard problems together, including the problem of race relations.
“The experience of the last five years demonstrates clearly that this is true. Now, instead of making things worse, our efforts in the field of civil rights have made things better—better in all aspects of our national life, and in all parts of our country. One of my southern friends said to me the other day, ‘The last five years are the best years in race relations this country has ever had. ’ And the record proves it….
“The civil rights report and the civil rights program give voice and expression to this great change of sentiment. They are the necessary instrument of progress. They are the trumpet blast outside the walls of Jericho—the crumbling walls of prejudice.
“And their work is not yet done. We still have a long way to go.
“I should like to turn to the record now, and speak of the progress that has been made, and the tasks that still await us.
“First, in the field of political rights. In the last five years, two more States, Tennessee and South Carolina, have abolished the poll tax. Now there are only five poll tax states where there were eleven not so long ago.
“Opportunities for all our citizens to participate in our political life have increased steadily and rapidly. Court decisions have given protection to the right of equal participation in primary elections.
“Second, let us take the field of education. I am glad to say that the principle of no discrimination—the principle that has always been followed here at Howard University—is the law of this country today in institutions of higher learning supported by public funds. Since the court decisions outlawing discrimination, more than a thousand Negro graduate and professional students have been accepted by ten State universities that were closed to Negroes before. In the last five years, legislation has been passed in ten other states to abolish segregation or discrimination in schools and colleges.
“And the gloomy prophecies of the opponents of civil rights have not been fulfilled. The universities have not been deserted. On the contrary, the faculties and students of the universities which are now open to all have welcomed and accepted the new students on their merits as individuals.
“This is only one instance of the way educational opportunities have been opening up to Negroes in recent years. Since 1930 the enrollment of Negro college students has gone up eight times. Just stop and think what that means. For every 100 Negro college students enrolled in 1930 there are 800 today.
“We have begun to make progress in public housing also. In 1950, 177 public housing projects were freely opened to families of all races and creeds. This is eight times as many eight years ago. In the last few years nine States and eight cities have forbidden discrimination or segregation in public housing.
“Another problem is that of protecting the right to safety and security of the person. There is no more important duty of the Government. We must protect our citizens from mob violence. And here again we have been moving forward.
“In the last five years two States have enacted anti-lynching laws, and four States and six cities have passed laws against wearing masks in public. The Civil Rights Section of the Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation have used their powers to reinforce the State and local law enforcement agencies. The latest instance was in Illinois, where the State Governor[89] stopped an outbreak of mob violence and the Federal authorities brought to justice the local law enforcement officers who abetted the mob….
“Now I want to speak of something that gives me considerable pride. That is the progress in fair employment in the Federal service.
“If there is any place where fair employment practices ought to prevail, it is the Federal Government. But experience shows that the departments and agencies of the Federal Government, no less than other organizations, need to be helped and encouraged. Sometimes they need to be compelled. In 1948, I set up a Fair Employment Board in the Civil Service Commission. This Board has gone about its task quietly and effectively, and has done a great deal to insure the success of our nondiscrimination policy.
“The Federal Government makes billions of dollars worth of contracts every year to but the things it needs. The money to pay for these contracts comes from all the people, without discrimination. It should be spent in the same way—without discrimination. For over ten years we have had a policy that every Government contract must contain a clause binding the contractor and his subcontractors to practice nondiscrimination. But it is not always easy to be sure that such a clause is being followed in practice. To meet that situation, I set up a Committee on Government Contract Compliance last year. It is the duty of that Committee to work with the contracting agencies and to help them get better compliance with the rule of nondiscrimination.
“States and cities have also been going ahead to see that their fair employment practices are followed in their jurisdictions. In the last few years eleven States and twenty municipalities have adopted fair employment laws. Unions and employers in many places have voluntarily done away with the color bar. And the results have been peaceful and beneficial. None of the disorder that was so freely predicted has taken place.
“Some of the greatest progress of all has been made in the armed services. Service in the armed forces of our country is both a duty and a right of citizenship. Every man or woman who enters one of our services is certainly entitled to equal treatment and equal opportunity.
“There has been a lot of talk about the need for segregation in the armed services. Some of our greatest generals have said that our forces had to have segregated units. But experience has proved that this is just plain nonsense.
“Quite some time ago, the Navy and the Air Force eliminated all racial distinctions, and the Army has been moving step by step toward this goal. For over two years every soldier into a training unit has been assigned on a basis of individual merit without racial discrimination. In the Far East, when General Ridgway took command,[90] he ordered the progressive integration of all the troops in his command, and you have seen the results in the wonderful performance of our troops in Korea. Only recently a similar order was issued by the European Command at the direction of the Secretary of the Army. From Tokyo to Heidelberg these orders have gone out that will make our fighting forces a more perfect instrument of democratic defense.
“All these matters have been taken care of in a quiet and orderly way. The prophets of doom have been proved wrong. The civil rights program has not weakened our country—it has made our country stronger. It has not made us less united—it has made us more united.
“The progress we have made so far is a source of deep satisfaction to us all. But that does not mean we have reached the goal or that we can stop working. Much remains to be done.
“Voluntary action can carry us a long way, and we must encourage it. State and local legislation is necessary, and we must have it. But let us remember this. The President’s Committee on Civil Rights led the way. The debate over the civil rights program has stimulated much of the progress over the past five years. We still need the legislation I recommended to the Congress in 1948. Only two of the recommendations in my civil rights program have been adopted so far. I shall continue, in office and out, to urge the Congress to adopt the remainder.
“I am not one of those who feel that we can leave these matters up to the States alone, or that we can rely solely on the efforts of men of good will. Our Federal Government must live up to the ideals professed in the Declaration of Independence and the duties imposed upon it by the Constitution. The full force and power of the Federal Government must stand behind the protection of rights guaranteed in the Federal Constitution. ”[91]
Dwight D. Eisenhower
1948
Testimony on Universal Military Training, Senate Committee on Armed Services, April 24—`It [segregation in the army] has been the problem, of course, that has been with the Army ever since it has been with the country. We must never forget that in a very definite way the Army is merely one of the mirrors that holds up to our faces the United States of America. It has never been easy to solve because you have certain incontrovertible facts that you must walk right up to.
“One of them is that there is race prejudice in this country, and when you put in the same organization and make live together under the most intimate circumstances men of different races. We sometimes have trouble. Therefore, there has been a sort of a compromise made with this problem, right down through the years with the Army. When I first joined the Army, there were two regiments of infantry that were Negro, two regiments of cavalry. We began to organize smaller units, and I believe at the present regulations allow us to build down to company strength, the company being the smallest administrative unit. It allows them to live together, mess together, sleep together, and so on.
“In war, when we became so desperate for infantry replacements in the fall of 1944, we did not make the best use of our Negro manpower. We had some 600,000 in Europe. We told the Negroes we would take volunteers for service in the line, in the front lines; 2,400 volunteered. Those 2,400 were organized as platoons, the real reason being this. There was not time to train them in larger units, and because we found that they fought better when distributed in small units, with the white troops. They do not seem to gain a self-confidence among themselves when used in larger units, and the platoon worked out very well.
“There was no opposition to it. In fact, Gen. George Patton thought that it was the finest way in the world to use them.
“I personally have always stood since that time for organizing the Negro down to include units no larger than platoons. It does create certain social problems on a post, because you always have men that do not like to mingle freely between the races, and therefore if you have a dance for your soldiers, you have a problem. But I believe those things can be handled. They are not too difficult, particularly since we are going to have large posts, the social problem can be met without difficulty. I personally see no reason why he should not be amalgamated to that extent.
“Now, if you are going to go further, here is the problem you run into, Senator. In general, the Negro is less well educated than his brother citizen who is white, and if you make a complete amalgamation, what you are going to have is in every company the Negro is going to be relegated to the minor jobs, and he is never going to get his promotion to such grades as technical sergeant, master sergeant, and so on, because the competition is too tough.
“If on the other hand, he is in smaller units of his own, he can go up to that rate, and I believe he is entitled to the chance to show his own wares.
“I do not mean to say that I have any final answer to the problem, and I believe that the human race may finally grow up to the point where it will not be a problem. It will disappear through education, through mutual respect, and so on. But I do believe that if we attempt merely by passing a lot of laws to force someone to like someone else, we are just going to get into trouble.
“On the other hand, I do not by any means hold out for the extreme segregation as I said when I first joined the Army 38 years ago. ”[92]
1950
“The Future of the Negro” – “There is a movement and a trend abroad in the land today, that if there is a difficult job to perform, we say “Let the government do it. What is Washington going to do about it? And in the measure that that spirit and that habit grows, we are forsaking all the principles – the methods that have made this country great.
“These people who would have us forsake the ancient principles, who would have us forego [sic] some of our liberties and our freedom in return for what they call security from the Federal Government, are aided and abetted by a type of person called the agitator. He hopes through the unrest that he can engender through class warfare – racial differences to create a division that will allow him to get into a position of power where he and his group like him can tell us what to do.
“One of the groups that the agitator is always attacking is the Negro section of the population. To my mind one of the great glories of the American Negro today is tyhat this agitator has had no slightest measure of success. In my mind, not so great a success as he has had in other groups. It has been my great privilege more than once to appear before congressional committees and elsewhere and testify to the loyalty and the value to us of that great ten percent of our population that is Negro in race.
“They, like their white brothers, have their representatives lying under the crosses of Tunisia, of Normandy and the Rhine. They have never hesitated to spill their blood for this great country. They have a record that is not merely to be found in that line of generalization. They have their own great individual people to whom they may point as evidences of what they can do, what they are certain to do as we come in in this country more and more to exercise the true principles of democracy.
“For my own part, in seeking some definition for the word ‘democracy,’ I believe that one satisfies me the more than the other. ‘Democracy is the political expression of a deeply felt religion. ’ If, therefore, we are going to exercise the principles of democracy, we are going to remember the great tenets of whatever particular religious philosophy to which we adhere – and they are all wise and good in that they condemn injustice, unfairness, and they do not allow complacency to recall unfairness or inequality of opportunity.
“It is not for any man to say today that any of us have erased from our hearts the last vestiges of prejudice. That is not true. We are fallible people and although we may have been created in the image of our Maker, we certainly have not at this time of world development, attained to that spiritual perfection that we can claim the virtue that we know that Creator possesses. But we can strive toward it, and what I am trying to say, is the virtue is in the striving.
“That is the reason that I think Negroes should be so proud of Booker T. Washington; George Washington Carver; Ralph Bunche, today one of the greatest statesmen this country has produced. And I admire Jackie Robinson right along with them. But more than that – more than in those mere special cases, I should like to point one thing out which I fervently believe – there is no race in the history man – none – going back to the Pharoahs and the Ark – that has, in eighty-five years, come so far on the road to understanding useful citizenship, satisfaction in its own culture and its own advancement as the American Negro race. Only eighty-five years ago I suppose, although I have not looked up records, but I suppose it would have been an exaggeration to say that one Negro out of a thousand could read and write – at least with any facility. And yet look at them today – everywhere – educated along with all the rest of American citizens.
“Now, if Negroes have come all that way in eighty-five years in terms of history, think of what great moment that is. How many people can quickly tell how many years there were, for example, between the Peloponnesian War and the Phoenician War in Rome? Well, a couple of hundred years. What I am trying to point out, when you look at it in terms of history, two hundred years is nothing. But in eighty-five years Negroes have come far. What will they be saying about the Negro race in the year 2000? We will just say Americans because that is what we are. ”[93]
1952
American Legion National Convention, Abilene, Kan, Post 39, August 25 – “All of us who salute the flag, whatever our color or creed, or job or place of birth, are Americans entitled to the full rights and the full privileges of our citizenship. In a time when America needs all the skills, all the spiritual strength and dedicated services of its 150 million people, discrimination is criminally stupid. ”[94]
Cleveland, Ohio, September 8 – “We should eliminate every vestige of segregation in the District of Columbia. ”[95]
Wheeling, W. Va. , September 24 – “. . . we seek in America a true equality of opportunity for all men. I have no patience with the idea of second-class citizenship. For many years the Administration party has been pointing to a promised land where no American would be subject to the indignity of discrimination. But their promised land has always proved to be a political mirage.
“It is time that leadership was put in the hands of those willing and able to advance the cause of equality of opportunity. To advance this cause there are many things that we can and must do.
“Vigorous action, including legislation at local levels can accomplish much. The Federal Government must help in a variety of ways. It can establish machinery to determine the facts of discrimination and hold these facts up for all the people to see.
“Segregation in the nation’s capital must be abolished. Likewise there must be an end to such segregation as still remains in the armed forces. In no operation of the Federal government is there a place for discrimination of any kind. We must work for the abolition of restrictions remaining anywhere on the basic American right to vote.
“In this sensitive area of human relations, we must always remember that an ounce of leadership is worth a pound of law. ”[96]
Civil Rights Speech in Harlem, New York, October 25 – “Now I bring you another question obviously of great interest to you people. We know that America has not achieved under its great Constitution that full perfection of operation that it should with respect to equal opportunity for all citizens. There is discrimination. This crusade is pledged to use every single item of leadership and influence it has to eliminate it. It intends to enforce the full Constitution, not part of it.
“Specifically, something has been said about my past efforts to eliminate segregation in the services. I want before I leave that subject to say this: I mentioned the 2,600 Negro troops that volunteered for front-line service in the most critical part of our campaign in Europe. Most of those served in the Army of a great and exacting soldier, a man who knew a brave man when he saw him. That was George Patton. [97] His personal report to me was these men serving in these squads and platoons in these divisions upheld their part. They performed real fighting service.
“It was on that evidence and on that kind of knowledge that I worked for this business of reducing and working toward elimination of segregation. That has gone on. It is well under way and I pledge you that it is going to be done promptly and without any further alibis or excuses.
“Next, my friends, in the nation’s capital we have had the poorest possible example given to those of other lands of what this country is and what it means to each of us. So far as there is power placed in me as an individual or officially, I shall never cease to work with all the power I can to get rid of that kind of thing in the District of Columbia.
“Let me extend that. Wherever the Federal Government has responsibility; wherever it collects taxes from you to spend money, whether it be in a contract for recreational facilities or anything else that it does for a citizen of the United States, there will be no discrimination as long as I can help it in private or public life based on any such thing as color or creed or religion—never. Wherever funds are used, where Federal authority extends, there will be fairness.
“Now, ladies and gentlemen, in concluding this short statement, I want to say this: I do not come before you to engage in any competition of political promises. The party in power in the last seven years has used up every possible political promise there is, and some of them have gotten pretty shopworn. For example, there is no easier way to duck an issue than to say this, ‘I promise you a law,’ knowing they cannot deliver it. There is no easier way to get out of a situation. What I promise you is work, never-ending work, to make certain that justice is done.
“So I cannot come before you with the competition of promises, but I do come before you with a pledge, and this is the pledge. If you want to put this crusade at the helm of your Government; if you want to substitute for these . 22 caliber men who are trying to hold . 45 caliber jobs the finest men and women that we can draw from all sections of this country and from every walk of life—and let me say plainly, based upon merit and without respect to color or creed: if you want to have a government of that kind, then you belong in this crusade.
“The pledge will be that that group of men and women responsible for directing the political destinies of the country will be fair and just. They will be fair and just, as God gives them the power to see justice and the right. Moreover, they will be friendly. They will be people right out of this crowd that will be occupying positions where they will be your representatives to see that this Government is serving you, not trying to rule over you. It will not be guilty of what a St. Louis judge, a judge appointed by a Democratic administration said about certain highly appointed people. He said ‘He sold his birthright for a dirty mess of pottage. ’
“You will have your own representatives down here and they can assure you that this new government will not only open up all these dark closets, drag out these skeletons, expose them to view; but they will keep these closets open so you and I and the rest of the people can look in them every day of our lives and know that we have an honest government, a government behind which we can follow with pride, and for which we will not be apologizing for our national leadership.
“Ladies and gentlemen, if that is what you believe, if that is what you want, get aboard. ”[98]
Address in Chicago Denouncing Fair Deal Misrule, October 31 – “Our crusade will fight unceasingly for all those things that have made our American system what it is. We will strive to make equality of opportunity a living fact for every American. I have said this in every part of our country – Newark, N. J, and Tampa, Fla. , in Boston, Mass. , and Columbia, S. C. Second-class citizenship reflects second-class Americanism. We will put an end to the exploitation of remaining discrimination for political advantage. Our crusade offers real progress based on positive leadership. ”[99]
Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union. February 2 – Our civil and social rights form a central part of the heritage we are striving to defend on all fronts and with all our strength. I believe with all my heart that our vigilant guarding of these rights is a sacred obligation binding upon every citizen. To be true to one’s own freedom is, in essence, to honor and respect the freedom of all others.
A cardinal ideal in this heritage we cherish is the equality of rights of all citizens of every race and color and creed.
We know that discrimination against minorities persists despite our allegiance to this ideal. Such discrimination – confined to no one section of the nation – is but the outward testimony to the persistence of distrust and of fear in the hearts of men.
The fact makes all the more vital the fighting of these wrongs by each individual, in every station of life, in is every deed.
Much of the answer lies in the power of fact, fully publicized; of persuasion, honestly pressed; and of conscience, justly aroused; These are methods familiar to our way of life, tested and proven wise.
I propose to use whatever authority exists in the office of the president to end segregation in the District of Columbia, including the federal government, and any segregation in the armed forces.
Here in the District of Columbia, serious attention should be given to the proposal to develop and authorize, through legislation, a system to provide an effective voice in local self-government. While consideration of this proceeds, I recommend an immediate increase of two in the number of District Commissioners to broaden representation of all elements of our local population. This will be a first step toward insuring that this Capital provide an honored example to all communities of our nation.
In this manner, and by the leadership of the office of the president exercised through friendly conferences with those in authority in our states and cities, we expect to make true and rapid progress in civil rights and equality of employment opportunity.
There is one sphere in which civil rights are inevitably involved in federal legislation. This is the sphere of immigration.
It is a manifest right of our government to limit the number of immigrants our nation can absorb. It is also a manifest right of our government to set reasonable requirements on the character and the numbers of the people who come to share our land and our freedom.
It is well for us, however, to remind ourselves occasionally of an equally manifest fact: we are – ne and all – immigrants or sons and daughters of immigrants.
Existing legislation contains injustices. It does, in fact, discriminate. I am informed by members of the Congress that it was realized, at the time of its enactment, that future study of the basis of determining quotas would be necessary. . . .
In another but related area – that of social rights . . .
There is urgent need for greater effectiveness in our programs, both public and private, offering safeguards against the privations that too often come with unemployment, old age, illness, and accident. . . .
Our school system demands some prompt, effective help. During each of the last nine years, more than 1 million children have swelled the elementary and secondary school population of the country. Generally, the school population is proportionately higher in states with low per capita income. This whole situation calls for careful congressional study and action. I am sure that you share my conviction that the firm conditions of federal aid must be proved need and proved lack of local income.
One phase of the school problem demands special action. The school population of many districts has been greatly increased by the swift growth of defense activities. These activities have added little or nothing to the tax resources of the communities affected. Legislation aiding construction of schools in the districts expires on June 30. This law should be renewed; and likewise, the partial payments of current operating expenses for these particular school districts should be made, including the deficiency requirements of the current fiscal year. . . .[100]
1953
State of the Union Message, February 2 – “Our civil and social rights form a central part of the heritage we are striving to defend on all fronts and with all our strength.
“I believe with all my heart that our vigilant guarding of these rights is a sacred obligation binding upon every citizen. To be true to one’s own freedom is – in essence – to honor and respect the freedom of all others.
“A cardinal ideal in this heritage we cherish is the equality of rights of every race and color and creed.
“We know that discrimination against minorities persists despite our allegiance to this ideal. Such discrimination – confined to no one section of the nation – is but the outward testimony to the persistence of distrust and of fear in the hearts of men.
“This fact makes all the more vital the fighting of these wrongs by each individual, in every station of life, in his every deed.
“Much of the answer lies in the power of fact, fully publicized; of persuasion, honestly pressed; and of conscience, just aroused. These are methods familiar to our way of life, tested and proved wise.
“I propose to use whatever authority exists in the office of the President to end segregation in the District of Columbia, including the federal government, and any segregation in the armed forces.
“Here in the District of Columbia, serious attention should be given to the proposal to develop and authorize, through legislation, a system to provide an effective voice in local self-government. While consideration of this proceeds, I recommend, in the meantime, an immediate increase of two in the number of District Commissioners to broaden representation of all elements of our population. This will be a first step toward insuring that this Capital provide an honored example to all communities of our nation.
“In this manner, and by the leadership of the office of the President exercised through friendly conferences with those in authority in our states and cities, we expect to make true and rapid progress in civil rights and equality of employment opportunity. ”[101].
The President’s News Conference of March 19 – (Q. Alice A. Dunnigan, Associated Negro Press: “Mr. President, the Department of the Army is now operating several schools on military posts in Virginia, Oklahoma, and Texas, which eliminate colored children. And in line with your announced policy to eliminate segregation in the Army, I wonder if anything has been done to correct that situation?”)
“All I can say is, I will look it up. I haven’t heard it; I will look it up -- [to James Haggerty, press secretary] will you make a point of it?
“I will say this – I repeat it, I have said it again and again: wherever federal funds are expended for anything, I do not see how any American can justify – legally, or logically, or morally – a discrimination in the expenditure of those funds as among our citizens. All are taxed to provide those funds. If there is any benefit to be derived from them, I think they must all share, regardless of such inconsequential factors as race and religion. ”[102]
The President’s News Conference of April 2 – [Speaker unidentified] Mr. President, I understood before leaving office, President Truman sent you a report of the Contract Compliance Committee, which was set up to eliminate discrimination in plants with Government contracts. That committee doesn’t have a chairman now, and many of ithe members are resigning. What steps have been taken to vitalize that group by appointing a chairman for the committee, and public officers – public members, that is?
The President: Again, I am sorry you have asked me a question that I will have to answer next week. That has not been reported to me – that we are lacking in it. We will look it up, and I will try to give you an answer.
The President’s News Conference of April 23 -- Q. Alice A. Dunnigan, Associated Negro Press: Mr. President, would you tell us whether any steps have been taken, since your last press conference, to revive the work of the Contract Compliance Committee, by appointing a chairman of the Committee?
The President: I don’t know about appointing a chairman. I did have the matter looked up, and they told me they were looking into the whole matter to see where there was noncompliance, if any, and to do their best on the thing. I haven’t heard heard about it [confers with Mr. Hagerty] – no chairman. There will be some announcement on it, the secretary tells me, very soon.
[On August 13, 1953, the president signed Executive Order 10479 establishing the Government Contract Committee. Vice President Nixon was appointed chairman of the committee.]
The President’s News Conference of September 30, 1953 – [Q. Alice A. Dunnigan: “Recent statements from the Department of Defense indicate that integration in schools on military posts may be delayed until 1955. I understand that Senator Hubert Humphrey has brought this matter to your attention by letter stating that such delays were unnecessary.”]
“I have not seen it. . . .
“I will have Mr. Hagerty look it up and let you know; I haven’t seen it.”[103]
[Concerning the President’s News Conference of March 19 – Statement of James C. Hagerty, press secretary to the president, the White House: At his news conference on Thursday, March 19th, the president was asked if he had any comment concerning segregation in schools on Army posts. The President replied that he did not know of such practices, but in line with his announced conviction that Federal funds should not be spend on any project which practices discrimination because of race or creed, he would have a study made immediately.
Following the conference, a request for details was made to the secretary of the Army. The secretary and subsequently the Bureau of the Budget submitted memoranda to the White House.
Today, after a study of these papers, the president sent the following memorandum to the secretary of Defense:
SUBJECT: SEGREGATION IN SCHOOLS ON ARMY POSTS
At my request, following last week’s news conference a memorandum addressed to my press secretary was received from the secretary of army relative to the above subject:
“(1) It states that by the opening of the school term next fall all schools operated by the army under provisions of section 6 of Public Law 874 will be on a completely integrated basis. Consequently, the process of integration is almost completed, but in any event will be concluded prior to the opening of the schools next September.
“(2) The memorandum likewise discusses the operation of schools by state authorities on Federally-oiwned property under the provisions of Section 3 of Public Law 874. Since these schools are operated with state funds but on federal property and in federally-owned buildings, complicating factors are present.
“The secretary of the army’s memorandum indicates that the army commanders are in the process of making a survey relative to this question designed to bring about agreement with local authorities for integrating the schools. If such integration is not achieved, other arrangements in these instances will be considered.”][104]
Statement on the Elimination of Segregation in Civilian Facilities at Naval Installations, November 11 – “The secretary of the Navy has just submitted to me a full report on facilities used by civilian employees at naval installations in the southern states.
I agree wholeheartedly with him that the report is most encouraging for it proves conclusively that the Navy’s policy of non-segregation is completely effective.
There are, in all, 60 naval activities on federal-owned property in the South. Here are the facts:
1. Twenty installations reported, as of August 1st, that no segregation practices existed.
2. Seventeen additional installations, not initially covered in the August survey, also reported no segregation. One establishment – at Newport News – reported washrooms and toilets were segregated in a building located on non-federal property.
3. Twenty-one further installations, which reported segregation practices in August, revealed segregation had been eliminated by November 1st. One installation – Charleston Shipyard – still reported partial segregation. At Charleston, segregation at drinking fountains and in cafeterias was eliminated, but washrooms are still separated. The shipyard commander stated that in these latter facilities restrictions would be eliminated late in December or early in January.
In summation, of 60 southern installations on federal-owned property only one reported partial segregation. This is a record accomplishment of which we all can be proud and I congratulate the secretary of Navy and his department on a job very well done indeed.
Note: The secretary of the Navy’s report was made public with the president’s statement. [105]
Letter to James Byrnes, governor of South Carolina, August 14 – “Dear Jimmy . . . I think that it is incumbent upon people who honestly believe in the power of leadership, education, example, and acceptance of clear official responsibility to show constant progress in the direction of complete justice. We who hold office not only must discharge the duties placed upon us by the constitution and by conscience, but also must, by constructive advances, prove to be mistaken those who insist that true reforms can come only through overriding Federal law and Federal police methods.
As I observed to you, I feel that my oath of office, as well as my own convictions, requires me to eliminate discrimination within the definite areas of Federal responsibility. . . . There is one of these areas of Federal responsibility where my efforts may run counter to customs in some States. This is the area involved in the “non-discrimination” clauses in Federal contracts. . . .
. . . But I do believe that States should cooperate in, and never impede, the enforcement of Federal regulations where the government has clear and exclusive responsibility in the case. [106]
Remarks at the United Negro College Fund Luncheon, May 19 – “By his or her presence here, each person attending this meeting shows their support for several things in which I passionately believe. One of them is support for the Constitution of the United States which, written in the recognition that all people are the children of God, made no distinction among them by reason of inconsequential factors over which they themselves had no control.
“I believe those of us who preach so loudly about constitutional government advance our cause as we meticulously observe that particular factor or foundation of that great Document.
“Another thing I have preached, as have many others, is against the theory that there can be any second-class citizen. I believe as long as we allow conditions to exist that make for second-class citizens, we are making of ourselves less than first-class citizens.
“In other words, I believe the only way to protect my own rights is to protect the rights of others. ”[107]
1954
State of the Union Message, January 7 – “Segregation in the armed forces and other federal activities is on the way out. We have also made progress toward its elimination in the District of Columbia. These are steps in the continuing effort to eliminate inter-racial difficulty. ”[108]
1955
State of the Union Message, January 8 – “. . . historic progress in eliminating . . . demeaning practices based on race or color “[109]
Executive Order 10590, January 18 – President’s Committee on Government Employment Policy,
The President’s News Conference of June 8 – (Q. Chalmers M. Roberts, Washington Post and Times-Herald: “Mr. President, if I understand correctly, one of the premises of your trimming the manpower in the Army has been the idea of a ready, trained reserve. The reserve bill was sidetracked in the House recently because of a segregation rider affecting the National Guard in the States, and also an amendment which would appear to rule out the sending of such reserves to countries where we have these Status of Forces agreements.
“I wonder if you could tell us what plans the administration has to get this bill out, if my assumption is correct, that you feel that it is vital.)
THE PRESIDENT. “Well, of course, I feel the reserve bill is vital . . .
I think the record of this administration on carrying out its pledges in the whole field of segregation is a good one. We have worked hard to take the Federal responsibility in this regard, and to carry it forward so as to get real advancement.
“I believe, on the other hand, that it is entirely erroneous to try to get legislation of this character through tacking it on to something that is so vital to the security of the United States as the security program. The mere fact that we can’t all have our ways about particular things in social progress—does that mean we don’t want to defend our country?
“Why do we make the defense of our country dependent upon all of us getting our own ways here?
“Now as I say, I think the administration’s record here stands up very well indeed—compared to any other administration I know of. But I just don’t believe that it is the place to have any kind of extraneous legislation. I care not what it is. ”[110]
The President’s News Conference of July 6 – (Q. Mrs. May Craig, Maine Papers: Mr. President, the Republican leaders included school construction in your top priority list of measures you wanted. Would you oppose and consider as extraneous an anti-segregation amendment to that bill?)
THE PRESIDENT. “I would think it was extraneous, yes, for the simple reason that we need the schools. I think that the other ought to be handled on its own merits.
“Besides, we do have this: there apparently is plenty of law, because the Supreme Court found it to be illegal, and they have issued, as I understand it, procedural orders that will have to be carried out in due curse through the district courts.
“Now, who do we go muddying the water? At the moment I do not quarrel with the right of Congress to pass laws on this thing; but I think they ought to do it on their own. ”[111]
1956
State of the Union Message, January 5 – “We are proud of the progress our people have made in the field of civil rights. In Executive Branch operations throughout the nation, elimination of discrimination and segregation is all but completed. Progress is also being made among contractors engaged in furnishing Government services and requirements. Every citizen now has the opportunity to fit himself for and to hold a position of responsibility in the service of his country. In the District of Columbia, through the voluntary cooperation of the people, discrimination and segregation are disappearing from hotels, theaters, restaurants and other facilities.
“It is disturbing that in some localities allegations persist that Negro citizens are being deprived of their right to vote and are likewise being subjected to unwarranted economic pressures. I recommend that the substance of these charges be thoroughly examined by a Bipartisan Commission (to be) created by the Congress. It is hoped that such a Commission will be established promptly so that it may arrive at findings which can receive early consideration.
The stature of our leadership in the free world has increased through the past three years because we have made more progress than ever before in a similar period to assure our citizens equality in justice, in opportunity in civil rights. We must expand this effort on every front. We must strive to have every person judged and measured by what he is, rather than by his color, race or religion. There will soon be recommended to the Congress a program further to advance the efforts of the Government, within the area of Federal responsibility, to accomplish these objectives. ”[112]
Cabinet Meeting, March 9 – “I believe that [Attorney General] Herb Brownell should put forward what he has got here, but with a statement that many Americans understandably are separated by deep emotions on this subject [civil rights legislation]. One of the prime reasons for this is that, after all, another system was upheld by the Supreme Court for 60 years [Plessy v. Ferguson[113]]. These people in the South were not breaking the law for the past 60 years, but, ever since the “separate but equal” decision, they have been obeying the Constitution of the United States. Now we cannot erase the emotions of three generations just overnight. . . People have a right to disagree with the Supreme Court decision – since the Supreme Court has disagreed with its own decision of 60 years standing – but, of course, the new decision should now be carried out. ”[114]
The President’s News Conference of October 6 – Q. “Douglas B. Cornell, Associated Press: Mr. President, Adlai Stevenson said in a civil rights speech in Harlem that you were trying to run on the Democratic record, that the Democrats started desegregation of the Armed Forces, and that the Republicans have made a brazen attempt to take credit for civil rights progress. Would you care to comment, sir?”
THE PRESIDENT. “Well, there have been since January 1953 a whole series of efforts directed toward assuring, in every area to which clear Federal authority extends, equality of opportunity for all people. This is applied to the Armed Forces, to Government contracts, to the District of Columbia, to all sorts of things.
“For example, long before the Supreme Court decision was handed down, the Defense Department and HEW had moved to eliminate segregation in schools on Army posts. [115] Sometimes we had obstacles, but it was done – all kinds of things.
“Now, it is perfectly true the problem of segregation in the service has been discussed, to my certain knowledge, for 45 years, because I was in the Army that long.
“When I joined the Army there were two infantry regiments that were Negro, and two cavalry regiments. Through the years we gradually got down into smaller units; that is, they were not segregated so completely, these larger units.
“So far as I know, I was the first combat commander that ever used Negroes incorporated actually into white units on the battlefield. I did this in the winter of ’44-45. Twenty-four hundred Negroes out of my command volunteered for front line service. They had been in service units.
“I organized them into squads, and some of them had Negro squad leaders, some white squad leaders. But they all got along together. They lived together in the same camping grounds, are at the same messes. And General Patton, who, at first, was very much agains this, became the most rabid supporter of the idea, he said, this way. Some of these white units, by the way, were southern units; this was the thing that convinced me that the thing could be done.
“But, of course, the Army and all the other services, in general were somewhat against it because they thought they would get into trouble; and, of course, you do have some trouble in your social events on a Post. You have dances for a company. Well, when you begin to mix in that social order, and you have both Negroes and whites, at first there was some trouble. Gradually, it was ironed out, and the progress went ahead.
When we came in, in ’53, it looked to us like it was time to take the bull by the horns, and eliminate it all; and that is what we have done. ”[116]
The President’s News Conference of October 11 – Q. Charles W. Roberts, Newsweek: “On September 5 you stated that it was not important whether you endorsed the Supreme Court’s decision on integration so long as it was enforced. Since then a number of people, mostly Democrats, have said that it is important whether you endorse the decision. Could you amplify you position on that?
THE PRESIDENT: “Look, I put it this way: We start out with article I of the Constitution, and we go on right down to the end, including its amendments, and the Constitution as it is interpreted by the Supreme Court, I am sworn to uphold it.
“I don’t ask myself whether every single phase of that Constitution, with all its amendments, are exactly what I agree with or not.
“I am sworn to uphold it, and that is what I intend to do. ”
. Address at International Airport, Miami, Florida, October 29 -- “Four years ago I pledged that as President of all the people, I would use every proper influence of my office to promote for all citizens that equality before the law and of opportunity visualized by our founding fathers. I promised further to do this with conviction that progress toward equality had to be achieved finally in the hearts of men rather than in legislative halls. I urged then, as I urge now, the handling of this question to the greatest possible extent on a local and state basis. ”[117]
1957
State of the Union Message, January 10 – “High priority should be given the school construction bill. This will benefit children of all races throughout the country – and children of all races need schools now. A program designed to meet emergency needs for more classrooms should be enacted without delay. I am hopeful that the program can be enacted on its own merits, uncomplicated by provisions dealing with the complex problems of integration. I urge the people in all sections of the country to approach these problems with calm and reason, with mutual understanding and good will, and in the American tradition of deep respect for the orderly processes of law and justice.
“I should say here that we have much reason to be proud of the progress our people are making in mutual understanding – the chief buttress of human and civil rights. Steadily we are moving closer to the goal of fair and equal treatment of citizens without regard to race or color. But unhappily much remains to be done.
“Last year the Administration recommended to the Congress a four-part program to reinforce civil rights. That program included:
(1)“creation of a bipartisan commission to investigate asserted violations of civil rights and to make recommendations;
(2)“creation of a civil rights division in the Department of Justice in charge of an assistant attorney general.
(3)“enactment by the Congress of new laws to aid in the enforcement of voting rights; and
(4)“amendment of the laws so as to permit the Federal Government to seek from the civil courts preventive relief in civil rights cases.
“I urge that Congress enact this legislation. ”[118]
The President’s News Conference of June 19 – Question: “Mr. President, your civil rights bill, sir, has passed the House, now faces action in the Senate, and there it seems that delaying tactics and probably a filibuster may stop it. ”
The President: “The point hasn’t come up, and I have not discussed that with the leaders. Normally, I do not comment on the procedures of either Senate or House action, because it is their business, and it is not for me to interfere to say how they shall do thngs.
“Now, I would like to say one word about my concept of this civil rights action. That civil rights action bill was designed and conceived in the thought of conciliation and moderation, not of persecution of anybody.
“It seems to me that after the unanimous decision by the Supreme Court about segregation many things could have happened. You will recall that at that time I was asked questions right here in this group: did I contemplate sending the Army into the South to enforce this decision?
“There was a great deal of stir, and it was time, as I saw it, for moderation and the development of a plan that everybody of good will could support.
“Now, I have been very badly disappointed that some people see in this program an opportunity to disturb their own rights, or to interfere in their own social order, in an unjust and improper way. To my mind, this is a very moderate, decent thing to do, and I hope that some thinking on the part of all of us will lead others to believe the same way. ”[119]
Statement on the Objectives of the Civil Rights Bill, July 16, 1957 – I am gratified that the Senate, by a vote of 71 to 18, has now made H. R. 6127 the pending order of business before that body.
This legislation seeks to accomplish these four simple objectives:
- To protect the constitutional right of all citizens to vote regardless of race or color. In this connection we seek to uphold the traditional authority of the Federal courts to enforce their orders. This means that a jury trial should not be interposed in contempt of court cases growing out of violations of such orders.
- To provide a reasonable program of assistance in efforts to protect other constitutional rights of our citizens.
- To establish a bi-partisan Presidential commission to study and recommend any further appropriate steps to protect these constitutional rights.
- To authorize an additional Assistant Attorney General to administer the legal responsibilities of the federal Government involving civil rights.
The details of language changes are a legislative matter. I would hope, however, that the Senate, in whatever clarification it may determine to make, will keep the measure an effective piece of legislation to carry out these fourt objectives – each one of which is consistent with simple justice and equality afforded to every citizen under the Constitution of the United States.
I hope that Senate action on this measure will be accomplished at this session without undue delay. [120]
Letter to Captain E. E. “Swede” Hazlett, July 22 – “I think that no single event has so disturbed the domestic scene in many years as did the Supreme Court’s decision in 1954 in the school desegregation case. That decision and similar ones earlier and later in point of time have interpreted the Constitution in such a fashion as to put heavier responsibilities than before on the Federal Government in the manner of assuring each citizen his guaranteed constitutional rights. . . . There must be respect for the Constitution – which means the Supreme Court’s interpretation of the Constitution – or we shall have chaos. . . . This I believe with all my heart – and shall always act accordingly. ”[121]
Statement by the President on the Civil Rights Bill, August 2 – “My first reaction to this vote in the Senate last night is to extend my sincere appreciation to Senator Knowland[122] and to those Senators who stood with him in valiant and persistent efforts to bring to all of our citizens protection in their right to vote—a protection of which many are now deprived.
“Rarely in our entire legislative history have so many extraneous issues been introduced into the debate in order to confuse both legislators and the public.
“The result cannot fail to be bitterly disappointing to those many millions of Americans who realized that without the minimum protection that was projected in Section 4 of the bill as it passed the House of Representatives, many fellow Americans will continue, in effect, to be disenfranchised. [123]
“Finally, no American can fail to feel the utmost concern that an attempt should be made to interpose a jury trial between a Federal judge and his legal orders. During our history as a nation, great Americans have pointed out that such a procedure would weaken our whole judicial system and particularly the prestige of the Federal judiciary. In this case it will make largely ineffective the basic purpose of the bill—that of protecting promptly and effectively every American in his right to vote. ”[124]
1958
Annual Budget Message to Congress for Fiscal Year 1958, January 16 --
Address at a National Newspaper Publishers Association luncheon, May 13 – “Because of the problems that have been raised about the issue of racial discrimination and indeed any other types of discrimination, we have to be interested. We must be interested. We must do something about the constitutional rights of the individual. To my mind, every American whatever his religion, his color, his race, or anything else, should have exactly the same concern for these matters as does any individual who may have felt embarrassment or resentment because those rights have not been properly observed. So it means that every American, if we are true to our constitutional heritage, must have respect for the law. He must know that he is equal before the law. He must have respect for the courts. He must have respect for others. He must make perfectly certain he can, in every single kind of circumstance, respect himself.
“In such problems as this, there are no revolutionary cures. They are evolutionary. I started in the Army in 1911. I have lived to see the time come when in none of the armed services is practiced any kind of discrimination because of race, religion, or color. In the Federal Government this same truth holds steady. In laws we have seen enacted those affecting the rights of voting. They are, let us pray, to be observed exactly as any other law passed and published by the Congress.
“Such things as these mean progress. But I do believe that as long as they are human problems—because they are buried in the human heart rather than ones merely to be solved by a sense of logic and of right –we must have patience and forbearance. We must depend more on better and more profound education than simply on the letter of the law. We must make sure that enforcement will not in itself create injustice. I do not decry laws, for they are necessary. But I say that laws themselves will never solve problems that have their roots in the human heart and in the human emotions. It is because of this very reason that I am more hopeful that we will, as the years go past, speak to each other only as Americans without any adjectives to describe us as special types of Americans. . I am hopeful that we will see ourselves as equals before the law, equal in economic and every other kind of opportunity that is open to any other citizen. It is because education and understanding and betterment of human people can bring these things about, that I am hopeful. ”[125]
1959
Text of President Eisenhower’s remarks and replies to questions submitted by John V. Horner at a luncheon at the National Press Club, Washington, D. C. January 14 – “I think when we get into the field of law, here, we must be very careful. I do believe in the law concerning voting, and I think we should have whatever correctives are necessary in the law in order to make certain that a man’s privilege, of qualified citizen’s privilege, of voting is not taken away from him for such inconsequential things as race, or creed or origin. That to my mind is the first thing to do.
“Now, when we get the Federal Government working by law in things that are known to be primarily state, we run into difficulties. One of them is the closing of schools. To my mind this is tragic. I tried to say the other day that I believe the image of America is not helped abroad when we have so many thousands of our children deprived of schooling for no fault of their own, and by the closing of the schools. So I would say, first, I would like to see the voting, this problem of voting, solved with the necessary – whatever laws may be necessary, including – I would like to see extended the life of the Civil Rights Commission. I would like to see power more clear-cut to make certain that they can examine into the difficulties about voting, the bars to it, and to get some kind of procedures that will make this privilege stand so that it will not be violated. And if this is done, it is my belief that now voters themselves, local voters, state voters and national voters, will have a greater and finer opportunity to proceed with, you might say, the proper observance of their other rights. ”
“But I do say that until all of us take again as a standard, a standard of living by the concepts of the Constitution, and try by our teaching, our example, our beliefs, expressed convictions, we are not going to get too far just by laws that operate specifically upon a state-supported activity because, as I say, if the state ceases that activity, then what do we do? That, to my mind, is a problem that takes time, dedication, but I do say this: It must be solved. ”[126]
Special Message to Congress on Civil Rights, February 5, 1959 -- To the Congress of the United States:
Two principles basic to our system of government are that the rule of law is supreme, and that every individual regardless of his race, religion, or national origin is entitled to the equal protection of the laws. We must continue to seek every practicable means for reinforcing these principles and making them a reality for all.
The United States has a vital stake in striving wisely to achieve the goal of full equality under law for all people. On several occasions I have stated that progress toward this goal depends not on laws alone but on building a better understanding. It is thus important to remember that any further legislation in this field must be clearly designed to continue the substantial progress that has taken place in the past few years. The recommendations for legislation which I am making have been weighed and formulated with this in mind.
First, I recommend legislation to strengthen the law dealing with obstructions of justice so as to provide expressly that the use of force or threats of force to obstruct Court orders in school desegregation cases shall be a Federal offense.
There have been instances where extremists have attempted by mob violence and other concerted threats of violence to obstruct the accomplishment of the objectives in school decrees. There is a serious question whether the present obstruction of justice statute reaches such acts of obstruction which occur after the completion of the court proceedings. Nor is the contempt power a satisfactory enforcement weapon to deal with persons who seek to obstruct court decrees by such means.
The legislation that I am recommending would correct a deficiency in the present law and would be a valuable enforcement power on which the government could rely to deter mob violence and such other acts of violence or threats which seek to obstruct court decrees in desegregation
cases.
Second, I recommend legislation to confer additional investigative authority on the FBI in the case of crimes involving the destruction or attempted destruction of schools or churches, by making flight from one State to another to avoid detention or prosecution for such a crime a Federal offense.
All decent, self-respecting persons deplore the recent incidents of bombings of schools and places of worship. While State authorities have been diligent in their execution of local laws dealing with these crimes, a basis for supplementary action by the federal government is needed.
Such recommendation when enacted would make it dear that the FBI has full authority to assist in investigations of crimes involving bombings of schools and churches. At the same time, the legislation would preserve the primary responsibility for law enforcement in local law enforcement agencies for crimes committed against local property.
Third, I recommend legislation to give the Attorney General power to inspect Federal election records, and to require that such records be preserved for a reasonable period of time so as to permit such inspection.
The right to vote, the keystone of democratic stir-government, must be available to all qualified citizens without discrimination. Until the enactment of the Civil Rights Act of 1957, the government could protect this right only through criminal prosecutions instituted after the right had been infringed. The 1957 Act attempted to remedy this deficiency by authorizing the Attorney General to institute civil proceedings to prevent such infringements before they occurred.
A serious obstacle has developed which minimizes the effectiveness of this legislation. Access to registration records is essential to determine whether the denial of the franchise was in furtherance of a pattern of racial discrimination. But during preliminary investigations of complaints the Department of Justice, unlike the Civil Rights Commission, has no authority to require the production of election records in a civil proceeding. State or local authorities, in some instances, have refused to permit the inspection of their election records in the course of investigations. Supplemental legislation, therefore, is needed.
Fourth, I recommend legislation to provide a temporary program of financial and technical aid to State and local agencies to assist them in making the necessary adjustments required by school desegregation decisions.
The Department of Health, Education, and Welfare should be authorized to assist and cooperate with those States which have previously required or permitted racially segregated public schools, and which must now develop programs of desegregation. Such assistance should consist of sharing the burdens of transition through grants-in-aid to help meet additional costs directly occasioned by desegregation programs, and also of making technical information and assistance available to State and local educational agencies in preparing and implementing desegregation programs.
I also recommend that the Commissioner of Education be specifically authorized, at the request of the States or local agencies, to provide technical assistance in the development of desegregation programs and to initiate or participate in conferences called to help resolve educational problems arising as a result of efforts to desegregate.
Fifth, I recommend legislation to authorize, on a temporary basis, provision for the education of children of members of the Armed Forces when State-administered public schools have been closed because of desegregation decisions or orders.
The Federal Government has a particular responsibility for the children of military personnel in Federally affected areas, since Armed Services personnel are located there under military orders rather than of their own free choice. Under the present law, the Commissioner of Education may provide for the education of children of military personnel only in the case of those who live on military reservations or other Federal property. The legislation I am recommending would remove this limitation.
Sixth, I recommend that Congress give consideration to the establishing of a statutory Commission on Equal Job Opportunity under Government Contracts.
Non-discrimination in employment under government contracts is required by Executive Orders. Through education, mediation, and persuasion, the existing Committee on Government Contracts has sought to give effect not only to this contractual obligation, but to the policy of equal job opportunities generally. While the program has been widely accepted by government agencies, employers and unions, and significant progress has been made, full implementation of the policy would be materially advanced by the creation of a statutory Commission.
Seventh, I recommend legislation to extend the life of the Civil Rights Commission for an additional two years. While the Commission should make an interim report this year within the time originally fixed by law for the making of its final report, because of the delay in getting the Commission appointed and staffed, an additional two years should be provided for the completion of its task and the making of its final report.
I urge the prompt consideration of these seven proposals. [127]
1960
Press Conference, March 16 – Well, it’s difficult . . . . to give a sweeping judgment. Some are unquestionably a proper expression of a conviction of the group which is making them; others probably can be otherwise classified.
Now, let me make one thing clear. I am deeply sympathetic with the efforts of any group to enjoy the rights, the rights of equality that they are guaranteed by the Constitution. I do not believe that violence in any form furthers that aspiration, and I deplore any violence that is exercised to prevent them – in having an enjoying those rights. So, while I don’t want to make any – any judgment because I am not in a position to, I know about these as they come just briefly to my attention. I do not know what all of them are. I do know, though, that when, if a person is expressing such an aspiration as this in a perfectly legal way, then I don’t see any reason why he should not do it . . .
. . . I think there ought to be biracial conferences in every city and every community of the South, which would be much better than trying to get up here and direct every singly thing from Washington. I am one of those people that believes there is too much interference in our private affairs and, you might say, personal lives already. And I would like to diminish rather than increase it. . . [128]
Text of statement upon his signing the Civil Rights Act of 1960 (HR 8601) into law (PL 86-449), May 6 – “I have today signed into law the Civil Rights Act of 1960. It is only the second civil rights measure to pass the Congress in 85 years. As was the case with the Act of 1957, recommendations of this Administration underlie the features of the Civil Rights Act of 1960.
The new Act is concerned with a range of civil rights problems. One title makes it a crime to obstruct rights or duties under federal court orders by force or threat of force. That provision will be an important deterrent to such obstruction which interferes with the execution of federal court orders, including those involving school desegregation. Provision is also made to assure free public education to all children of armed forces personnel in the United States where local public school facilities are unavailable. By authorizing the FBI to investigate certain bombings or attempted bombings of schools, churches and other structures, the Act will deter such heinous actions of lawlessness.
“The new Act also deals significantly with that key constitutional rights of every American, the right to vote without discrimination on account of race or color. One provision, which requires the retention of voting records, will be of invaluable aid in the successful enforcement of existing voting rights statutes. Another provision authorizes the use by federal courts of voting referees. It holds great promise making the 15th Amendment of the Constitution meaningful.
“While I regret that Congress saw fit to eliminate two of my recommendations,[129] I believe the act is an historic step forward in the field of civil rights. With continuing help from all responsible persons, the new law will play an important role in the days ahead in attaining our goal of equality under law in all areas of our country for all Americans. ”[130]
[1] This initial section comes from a record of compiled comments that begins with “President Truman Said:” Papers of Harry S. Truman, Official File, HSTL.
[2] Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Lincoln, Vol. 4, 89.
[3][3] Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Lincoln, vol. 5, 143-144.
[4] Speech at Springfield, Illinois, June 26, 1857, Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Lincoln, vol. 2.
[5] Annual Message to Congress, December 6, 1864, Nicolay and Hay, Complete Works of Lincoln, vol. 10, 310. http://archives. org/stream/completeworksof6lincoln
Calvin Coolidge
[6] NAACP Annual Report, 1927, 18.
Franklin D. Roosevelt
[7] Earl William Wilkins, Atlanta Daily World, 9/18/32, 1A, ProQuest Historical Newspapers.
[8] Roosevelt, “Statement on the Seventieth Anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, September 22, 1933.” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=14516.
[9] The reference was to the lynching of two white men in San Jose, California, that drew the approval of Gov. James Rolph, and the resulting verbal reprimand by Roosevelt. NAACP, Annual Report, 1933, 22.
[10] Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, 1/3/34, 12-13.
[11] Complete Presidential Press Conferences, vols. 3, 5/25/34, 374.
[12] Complete Presidential Press Conferences, 4/24/35, vol. 5, 243; Weiss, Farewell to the Party of Lincoln, 113.
[13] Complete Presidential Press Conferences, vol. 5, 4/24/35, 244.
[14] Cleveland G. Allen (1887-1953) was a New York City journalist. Cleveland G. Allen Papers, 1915-1953, Manuscripts, Archives, and Rare Books Division, New York Public Library, New York City.
[15] Roosevelt, Letter on Negro Progress, December 26, 1935. ” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=15007.
[16] Rev. Richard Robert Wright, Jr. (1878-1967), was a Bishop of the African Methodist Episcopal Church. Who Was Who in America, 1961-1968, 1071-1072.
[17] Roosevelt, “Greeting on the Seventy-fourth Anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, September 16, 1936.” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=15128.
[18] Roosevelt, Address at the Dedication of the New Chemistry Building, Howard University, 1/26/36, Wooly and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/print. php?pid=15208
[19] Walter F. White (1884-1955), then Executive Secretary, NAACP.
[20] Roosevelt, “Greeting to the NAACP, June 25, 1938.” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=15663.
[21] Roosevelt, “Greeting to the NAACP, June 13, 1939.” Wooley and Peters: The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=15768.
[22] Elder Solomon Lightfoot Michaux (pronounced “Mee-show”) (1884-1968), known as the “Happy Am I Preacher,” was an evangelist who established the Church of God movement in Washington, D. C. , where his radio broadcasts supported President Roosevelt and the New Deal. He was also known for his mass baptisms, first in the Potomac River, and later in huge tanks of water (allegedly from the River Jordan) in the infield of the old Griffith Stadium. In 1942, he constructed the first federally subsidized housing for African Americans, a 595-unit housing development called Mayfair Mansions on the site of the old Benning Race Track in North East Washington. See Janette Hoston Harris, “Elder Solomon Lightfoot Michaux,” in Rayford W. Logan and Michael R. Winston, eds.: Dictionary of American Negro Biography (New York, 1982), 431.
[23] The National Memorial to the Progress of the Colored Race in America was another of Elder Michaux’s projects, consisting of two large tracts of land in Jamestown, Virginia. Harris, “Elder Solomon Lightfoot Michaux,” 431.
[24] Booker Taliaferro Washington (1856-1915), president of Tuskegee Institute in Macon County, Alabama, was, for a time at the beginning of the Twentieth Century, the most influential black man in the United States. His book Up From Slavery (first published 1910) was one of three published autobiographies.
[25] Text of Roosevelt’s personal letter to Elder Lightfoot Solomon Michaux, leader of the Radio Church of God and president of the National Memorial to the Progress of the Colored Race in America, in “President Praises Negroes at Fair,” New York Times, 10/21/40, 20; see also Roosevelt, “Greeting on the Anniversary Celebration of the Thirteenth Amendment, October 6, 1940. ” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/wis/?pid=15873.
[26] “President Praises Negroes at Fair,” New York Times, 10/21/40, 20; also quoted in, Kachun, “’A beacon to oppressed peoples everywhere’: Major Richard R. Wright Sr., National Freedom Day, and the Rhetoric of Freedom in the 1940s,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 128 (July 2004): 289.
[27] Franklin D. Roosevelt, “Memorandum Condemning Discrimination in Defense Work, June 12, 1941.” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project http://www. presidency. usb. edu/wis/?pid=16129. The memorandum was addressed to William S. Knudsen (1879-1948) and Sidney Hillman (1887-1946), members of the staff of the Office of Production Management.
[28] Minorities in Defense, FEPC, U. S. , ODM, Division of Labor, Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1941. See also vol. I, lv, where this quote is used, and Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 124.
[29] Roosevelt, “Executive Order 8802—Reaffirming Policy of Full Participation in the Defense Program by All Persons, Regardless of Race, Creed, Color, or National Origin, and Directing Certain Action in Furtherance of Said Policy, June 25, 1941. ” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project http://www. presidency. usb. edu/wis/?pid=16134.
[30] EO 8823, Providing for an Additional Member of the Committee on Fair Employment Practice in the Office of Production Management, Established by Section 3 of Executive Order No. 8802 of June 25, 1941. Minorities in Defense, FEPC, U. S., ODM, Division of Labor Washington, D. C.: Government Printing Office, 1941.
[31] Minorities in Defense, FEPC, U. S. 1941.
[32] Woolley and Peters, The American Presidency Project, “Excerpts from Press Conference, 2/13/42.
The issue was whether or not the federal government was paying the poll tax, levied by some southern states, for tenant farmers. To this question, Roosevelt answered, no, while at the same time supporting the program under which the Farm Security Administration provided loans to the farmers so that they themselves could pay the tax in order to be able to vote. NYT, 2/14/42, 1, 32.
See also “The Struggle to Abolish the Poll Tax,” vol. III, ccxxix- ccliv.
[33] Franklin D. Roosevelt, “Executive Order 9346—Establishing a Committee on Fair Employment Practice, May 27, 1943. ”Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=16404.
[34] Roosevelt: “Proclamation 2588—Directing Detroit Race Rioters to Disperse, June 21, 1943. Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project http://www. presidency. usb. edu/wis/?pid=16414.
[35] Letter from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Attorney General Francis Biddle, 11/5/43. http://www. ebooksread. com
[36] Walter P. Stacy (1884-1951), chief justice of the North Carolina State Supreme Court. Who was Who in America, 1951-1960, 3:814.
[37] Frank J. Lausche (1895-1990) would later serve as governor of Ohio, and subsequently be elected to the U. S. Senate. Obituary, NYT, 4/22/90.
[38] William H. Holly (1869-1958), judge of the U. S. Court for the Northern District of Illinois, had just taken senior status the year before. Who Was Who in America, 1951-1960, 3: 410.
[39] Roosevelt, “Appointment of a Committee to Investigate Discrimination in Railroad Employment, January 3, 1944. ” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project, http://www. presidency. usb. edu/wis/?pid=16496.
[40] Ira F. Lewis (1883-1948) was the managing editor of the Pittsburgh Courier.
[41] Henry L. Stimson (1867-1950), U. S. secretary of War (1940-45); he also supported federal legislation protecting service members from violence.
[42] Truman K. Gibson, Jr. (1912-2005), a black Chicago lawyer, succeeded Judge William H. Hastie as civilian aide to the Secretary of War in February 1943, specializing in issues affecting black military personnel, NYT, 1/2/2006, B-7.
[43] Roosevelt, “Excerpts from the Press Conference for the Negro Newspaper Publishers Association, February 5, 1944. ” Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=16453.
Harry S. Truman
[44] Commonsense 13 (October 1944): 351, interview, “President Truman Said,” in Papers of Harry S. Truman, Official File, HSTL.
[45] Public Papers of the Presidents, 6/5/45, 104-05.
[46] Truman, Letter to Charles H. Houston, 12/7/45. Harry S. Truman Papers, Official File, HSTL
[47] Public Papers of the Presidents, 12/18/45, 282.
[48] Immediate Release, #420, 12/20/45. Harry S. Truman Papers, Civil Rights -- FEPC, HSTL.
[49] Civil Rights – F. E. P. C,” Files of Eben A, Ayers, Box 5, HSTL.
[50] The President’s News Conference of 4/11/46, Public Papers of the Residents, 192-3; Statement by the President, President’s Secretary’s Files, HSTL.
See also Minutes, 4/8/46, and Report of the Secretary for the May, 1946, Meeting of the Board. EC; headnote, “The Struggle to Abolish the Poll Tax,” vol. III, ccxxix-ccliv.
[51] Malcolm Ross, chairman, FEPC. Text “Note: The Committee, in its letter of June 28, recommended that the President continue to urge upon the Congress the passage of legislation which would guarantee equal job opportunity to all workers without discrimination because of race, color, religious belief, or national origin; that the Federal Government take steps not only to promulgate its policy more widely, but to enforce it as well; and that the appropriate Government agencies be instructed to include statistics on employment and unemployment by race and by sex. “
[52] Public Papers of the Presidents, (letter dated 8/28/46) 9/4/46, 423.
In his letter to Truman, Bolte expressed the American Veterans Committee’s welcome of the president’s declaration that the purpose of the commission was to “re-examine the system of higher education in terms of objectives, methods and facilities in the light of the social role it has to play.” Bolte said his committee was assured that Truman shared their “conviction that the role of American education must include the championship of freedom and of the right of every American to participate fully in all of the benefits of our democracy.” In order to play that role, Bolte said, higher education institutions needed to re-examine their “selective quota system of admission under which the chance to learn, and thereby become a more useful citizen, is denied certain minorities.” However, Bolte said, discrimination against minority groups was “by no means confined to the college campus. New and ominous signs of intolerance are appearing every day throughout our country, and it is to this disturbing trend that we call your attention. ” Stories of such intolerance, which fill the press, he said, included “unprovoked violence and the denial of civil liberties. ” Letter from Bolte to Truman, 8/12/46, Papers of Harry S. Truman, Official File of the Harry S. Truman Papers, HSTL.
The American Veterans Committee, Inc., was created prior to the end of World War II by a group of soldiers and early dischargees as a politically liberal organization to seek peace and reform for the benefit of veterans. Tyler, “The American Veterans Committee,” American Quarterly 18 (Autumn 1966): 420.
[53] Truman letter to Atty. Gen. Tom C. Clark.
Truman met with the delegation led by Walter White on 9/19/46, following an upsurge of racial violence. Report of the Secretary for the September 1946 Meeting of the Board, with Monthly Report of Legal Department for July and August, EC; Report of the Secretary for the October 1946 Meeting of the Board, with Monthly Report of the Legal Department for September; Monthly Report of the Legal Department for November 1946; Report of the Secretary for the December 1946 Meeting of the Board, all in EC. Gardner, Truman and Civil Rights, 16-18. See also White, A Man Called White, 331.
Gardner provides the text of the Department of Justice news release, 9/20/46, announcing that charges had been filed against Lynwood Lanier Shull, Batesburg, South Carolina, Chief of Police. He was charged with beating and torturing Isaac Woodard, Jr. , the African American veteran of the Bronx, who was brutally blinded in both eyes. Shull was charged with violating a federal civil rights statute, which prohibited police and other public officials from depriving anyone of their civil rights. Gardner, Harry Truman and Civil Rights, 17-18.
[54] See also Gardner, Harry Truman and Civil Rights, 27.
[55] Truman’s statement upon issuing E. O 9808, 12/5/46. Harry S. Truman Papers, Civil Rights—FEPC, HSTL See also Gardner, Harry Truman and Civil Rights, 20.
[56] Truman: “Executive Order 9808—Establishing the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, December 5, 1946. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=60711.
[57] Truman, “Message on the State of The Union,” 1/6/47. Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=12762.
[58] The Ku Klux Klan.
[59] Truman, “Remarks to Members of the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, 1/15/47.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=12883. .
[60] Truman: “Address Before the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 6/29/47.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=12686.
[61] Truman: “Statement by the President Making Public a Report by the Civil Rights Committee, 10/29/47. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=12780. 00
[62] Truman: “Message on the State of the Union, 1/7/48. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13005; McCullough, Truman, 586.
[63] Truman: “Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights, 2/2/48. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13006; McCullough, Truman, 586-587.
[64] Truman letter to White, 2/4/48. In his telegram of 2/2/48 to Truman, White said words were “inadequate to express our full appreciation for your message to the Congress today recommending legislation necessary to insure full civil justice to all Americans. It is clear, concise, and courageous. It marks the course which must be followed by the Congress and the people of the United States to put our own house in order and make democracy a living reality. Both in Papers of Harry S. Truman, President’s Personal Files, HSTL.
[65] Truman, Memoirs by Harry S. Truman, vol. 2, 182; Garnder, Harry Truman and Civil Rights, 98-99.
[66] [Democratic National Committee:] “Democratic Party Platform of 1948, July 12, 1948.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=29599.
[67] Truman: “Executive Order 9980—Regulations Governing Fair Employment Practices Within the Federal Employment, July 26, 1948. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=78208.
[68] Truman: “Executive Order 9981—Establishing the President’s Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services, 7/26/48.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=60737.
[69] Salt Lake City.
[70] On 7/25/46, a black married couple was tied to trees and shot dead on a road in Walton County, Georgia. Just earlier one of them, Roger Malcolm, had been bailed out of jail after being arrested on suspicion of having stabbed a white man. Although investigations were launched, no one was ever brought to trial for the two murders. See Wexler: Fire in a Canebrake, passim.
[71] On February 12, 1946, Isaac Woodard, Jr. (1919-92), a returning U. S. Army veteran who had served in the Pacific theater, was beaten and blinded by police in Batesburg, S. C., after he reportedly violated Jim Crow travel laws on a Greyhound bus. In the ensuing trial, the town’s chief of police, Linwood L. Shull (1902-97), although admitting that he beat and blinded Woodard, was found not guilty by an all-white jury after they had deliberated about a half hour. Sullivan, Lift Every Voice, 319-20, 330-331.
[72] “Colored Firemen Killed Or Wounded,” vol. IV, 483-484.
[73] Ferrell, Off the Record, 146-47. This was Truman’s response to a letter from his former Army comrade Ernest W. Roberts (1893-1966) of Independence, Mo., who asked the president to “go easy” on civil rights or he would lose the southern vote in the upcoming presidential election. See also McCullough, Truman, 587-589.
[74] Formally, the Interdenominational Ministerial Alliance of Greater New York. NYT, 10/30/48, 1.
[75] Shelley v. Kraemer 334 US 1 (1948).
[76] Truman: “Address in Harlem, New York, Upon Receiving the Franklin Roosevelt Award,” 10/29/48.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13078.
[77] Harry S. Truman: Proclamation 2824 – National Freedom Day, January 25, 1949, Peters and Wooley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=87188; “Truman Sets Feb. 1 As ‘Freedom Day,’” New York Times, 7/1/48. 1/
[78] Public Papers of the Presidents, 11/15/49, 564-66.
[79] The National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization was held in Washington on January 15-17, 1950, where over four thousand members of fifty-eight national organizations met in Washington to lobby their lawmakers to support both President Truman’s civil rights program, including a permanent FEPC. Led by Roy Wilkins, acting NAACP executive secretary, who organized the NECRM, a delegation met with President Truman. As Wilkins began reading a statement, Truman interrupted him to declare that he “was firmly in their camp and he could count noses. ” Jonas, Freedom’s Sword, 157. See also vol. III,:lxxviii-lxxxvi, 151, 153n.
[80] Scott W. Lucas (1892-1968) (D-Ill. ) was the Senate Majority Leader.
[81] Prior to his election in 1948 as vice president, Alben W. Barkley (D, Ky.) had been a longtime member of both the House and the Senate. See vol. IV, 852.
[82] Remarks of the President to the National Emergency Civil Rights Mobilization, 1/17/50. Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13512.
[83] Charles Fahy, formerly a federal judge, was chairman of the Committee on Equality of Treatment in the Armed Forces. See vol. IV, 692, and MacGregor, Integration of the Armed Forces, 314.
[84] Truman, “Response to the Report of the Committee on Equality of Treatment and Opportunity in the Armed Services,” 5/22/50.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13503.
[85] Truman, “Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Requiring Segregation in Certain Schools on Federal Property,” 11/2/51. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=13983.
[86] See below Executive Order 10308.
[87] Public Papers of the Presidents, 12/3/52, 640-641.
[88] Harry S. Truman: “Executive Order 10308—Improving the Means for Obtaining Compliance With the Nondiscrimination Provisions of Federal Contracts, 12/3/51.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=78360.
[89] Adlai E. Stevenson (1900-65), would later be the Democratic presidential nominee in the 1952 and 1956 primary elections, losing both times to General Dwight D. Eisenhower. For more on the 1951 incident in Cicero, Illinois when World War II veteran and bus driver Harvey E. Clark, Jr. (1920-98) attempted to move his family into an all-white neighborhood, resulting in riots, see Sullivan, Lift Every Voice, 390-93; Abrams, Forbidden Neighbors, 103-119.
[90] General Matthew B. Ridgway (1895-1993) succeeded General Douglas MacArthur as Supreme United Nations and United States Commander in Korea.
[91] Harry S. Truman: “Commencement Address at Howard University, June 13, 1952.” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=14160.
Dwight D. Eisenhower
For an overview of President Eisenhower’s attitude on civil rights, see Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 210-15; 221-30
[92] Eisenhower, 4/2/48, Hearings, 995-996.
[93] Eisenhower, The Future of the Negro,” Negro Digest 8 (February 1950): 3-4.
[94] New York Times, 8/26/52, 12 (emphasis theirs).
[95] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 1/9/53, 57.
[96] New York Times, 9/25/52, 21.
[97] Eisenhower, 4/2/48, Hearings, 995-996.
Gen. George S. Patton, Jr., led the Third Army in a successful sweep across France during World War II in 1944. http://www.biography. com
[98] New York Times, 10/26/52, 78.
[99] “Eisenhower in Chicago Denouncing Fair Deal Misrule,” New York Times, 10/31/52, 10.
[100] “Annual Message to the Congress on the State of the Union,” Public Papers of the Presidents, 2/2/53.
[101] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 2/6/53, 180.
[102] “The President’s News Conference of March 19, 1953” Public Papers of the Presidents, 108. See also, Dunnigan, Alone Atop the Hill, 176; “Ike Orders Probe of Segregated Schools,” Washington Post, 3/20/53, 1; Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 243.
[103] Dwight D. Eisenhower, The President’s News Conference, 9/30/53. http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=9709
[104] Statement by James C. Hagerty, press secretary to the president, 3/25/53, NAACP IX: 68, DLC.
[105] Public Papers of the Presidents, 11/11/53, 765-766.
[106]Eisenhower letter to Gov. James Byrnes of South Carolina, 8/14/53, DDE Diary Series, Box 3, DDEL. (Emphasis theirs.)
For the historical context of Eisenhower’s letter to Byrnes, see Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 227-229.
[107] Public Papers of the Presidents, 81.
[108] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 2/8/54, 40.
[109] Public Papers of the Presidents, 1/8/55.
[110] Eisenhower, News Conference, 6/8/55. ” Peters and Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws?pid=10253.
[111] Public Papers of the Presidents, 7/6/55, 678.
[112] 84th Congress, 2nd session, Congressional Quarterly Almanac, 1956, 51.
This “bipartisan commission” became the U. S. Civil Rights Commission, which was included in the 1957 Civil Rights Act. Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 412.
[113] Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U. S. 537 (1896).
[114] Eisenhower’s Response to Statement of Attorney General Herbert Brownell, Whitman Files, Cabinet Series, Box 6, Cabinet Meeting of 9 March 1956, DDEL; Anderson, Eisenhower, Brownell and the Congress, 34-36.
[115] See Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 241-250
[116] Public Papers of the Presidents, 10/11/56, 850-852.
[117] Eisenhower, address at Miami International Airport. Wooley and Peters, The American Presidency Project, 10/29/56; see also Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 356.
[118] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 1/11/57, 35.
[119] The President’s News Conference of 6/19/57, Public Papers of the Presidents, 472-473.
[120] Eisenhower, “Statement on the Objectives of the Civil Rights Bill,” 7/16/57, Wooley and Peters, the American Presidency Project.
http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu. /ws/print. php??pid=10838
On 7/16/57, the Senate made the civil rights bill the pending business. Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 392.
[121] Personal letter from the President to Captain E. E. “Swede” Hazlett, Whitman File, DDE Diary
Series, Box 25, July 1957, DDE Dictation, 22 July 1957, DDEL.
[122] William F. Knowland of California, as Senate minority leader, was a champion in the fight for the enactment of the 1957 Civil Rights Act. See, among others, 5/9/57 in vol. 5, and Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 364, 378-79, 399.
[123] Part 4 of the civil rights bill gave the attorney general authority to seek injunctions in court to protect Fifteenth Amendment rights. See 4/4/57; in vol. 5 appendix, “Justice Samuel J. Ervin, Jr., and Contempt,” 4/2/57, and “Civil Rights and Injunctions,” 4/30/57; also, Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 365.
[124] Eisenhower, “Statement by the President on the Civil Rights Bill,” 8/2/57. Wooley and Peters, the American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=10853.
[125] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 5/16/58, 622.
[126] Eisenhower’s remarks were in response to a question from John V. Horner, president of the National Press Club, accordingly: “Mr. President, turning now to civil rights, the question is, in 1957, Congress passed, at your suggestion, a civil rights bill dealing largely with voting. Do you think this Congress should pass civil rights legislation dealing specifically with problems arising from school segregation?” Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 1/16/59, 86-87.
[127] Eisenhower: "Special Message to the Congress on Civil Rights," 2/5/59. Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project. http://www. presidency. ucsb. edu/ws/?pid=11567.
[128] Letter from Gerald D. Morgan, deputy assistant to the president, responding to telegram to President Eisenhower from Roy Wilkins, 3/17/60, urging him to take action to protect “defenseless” African Americans against “Nazi-like oppression” in Alabama. GF 124-A-2, Box 914, DDEL.
[129] These two recommendations were the controversial Part III, which authorized the attorney general to institute civil action for protecting Fourteenth Amendment rights. The other amendment to Part IV provided that there would be no requirement for a jury trial in prosecutions for civil contempt (where the court was coercing a defendant to cooperate), but there would be jury trials across the board in cases involving criminal contempt (where the defendant was being punished for disobeying an order). Watson, Lion in the Lobby, 393-94, 398-399.
[130] Congressional Quarterly Weekly Report, 5/13/60, 860.